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WHEREVER THEY MAY BE
© 1972, The
Beate Klarsfeld Foundation
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[appre…] hension on his staff. "You can
understand that Brandt, as Chancellor Kiesinger's Foreign Minister and a member
of the coalition government, could not give you that interview. If he did, he
would seem to be endorsing your campaign."
On February 14, on its page
devoted to opinions it did not necessarily endorse, Combat published my
article entitled: "The CDU-SPD Coalition Is Virtually Doomed." I published
articles in Combat fairly regularly because of the obligation I felt to
make the French know how I felt about developments in German politics. It was
by no means a fruitless effort. Since there were very few French correspondents
in Bonn, the French got little information about Germany.
I returned to
the subject still more forcefully on March 22, 1968:
The reunification of Germany is both right
and desirable. Furthermore, it is inevitable. But we want no unification that
might endanger the rest of the world. We want a peaceful reunification that
will make a non-nuclear-power Germany an indispensable bridge between the East
and the West. We want a reunification along socialistic lines because that is
the only kind of regime that will be acceptable to the two states that now
represent the German nation. The French should beware of being fooled by a new
order in Europe. They should, therefore, while there is yet time, help the
genuine German socialists mount a true opposition and thereby, let us hope, set
up a strong government.
Nine o'clock in the morning, March 20,
1968. I had reached West Berlin after a three week trip through the German
Democratic Republic, which I thought I ought to get to know thoroughly. Timidly
I rang the doorbell at Theology Professor Gollwitzer's house, where Rudi
Dutschke had taken refuge. The household was still asleep. After several
fruitless attempts, and many long waits in the headquarters of Students for a
Democratic Society (SDS), I had made up my mind to take him by surprise just as
he was getting out of bed.
I wanted the students' help in advancing my
campaign against Kiesinger in Germany itself, for I knew it would be hard, if
not impossible, to conduct it from Paris. My first meetings with members of the
Federation of Socialist Students in Berlin had not been very productive. They
were unable to understand, for they thought it natural for a former Nazi to
have been elevated by German capitalist interests to the leadership of the
Federal Republic. That was only logical in a situation they wanted to attack in
its entirety.
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WHEREVER THEY MAY BE
© 1972, The
Beate Klarsfeld Foundation |
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