4
Dec. 45
French-Czechoslovak
Treaty provided for assistance only in the event
of an "unprovoked" attack, it would
take a day or two for France and England, and I
suppose for their legal advisors to decide
whether legally the attack had been unprovoked
or not, and consequently a Blitzkrieg,
accomplishing its aims before there could be any
effective intervention by France or England, was
the object to be aimed at.
On the same
day an Air Force memorandum on future
organization was issued, and to it there was
attached a map on which the Baltic States,
Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Poland were all
shown as part of Germany, and preparations for
expanding the Air Force, and I quote, "as
the Reich grows in area," as well as
dispositions for a two-front war against France
and Russia, were discussed. And on the following
day Von Ribbentrop was being minuted about the
reaction of Poland towards the Czechoslovak
problem. I quote: "The fact that after the
liquidation of the Czechoslovakian question it
will be generally assumed that Poland will be
next in turn is not to be denied," is
recognized, but it is stated, "The later
this assumption sinks in, the better."
I will pause for a moment at the date
of the Munich Agreement and ask the Tribunal to
remind itself of what the evidence of documents
and historical facts shows up to that day. It
has made undeniable both the fact of Nazi
aggressiveness and of active and actual
aggression. Not only does that conference of
1937 show Hitler and his associates deliberately
considering the acquisition of Austria and
Czechoslovakia, if necessary by war, but the
first of the operations had been carried through
in March of 1938; and a large part of the
second, under threat of war a threat which
as we now see was much more than a bluff
a threat of actual and real war, although
without the actual need for its initiation,
secured, as I said, a large part of the second
objective in September of 1938. And, more
ominous still, Hitler had revealed his adherence
to the old doctrines of Mein Kampf
those essentially aggressive doctrines to
the exposition of which in Mein Kampf,
long regarded as the Bible of the Nazi Party, we
shall draw attention in certain particular
passages. Hitler is indicating quite clearly not
only to his associates, but indeed to the world
at this time, that he is in pursuit of
Lebensraum and that he means to secure it by
threat of force, or if threat of force fails, by
actual force by aggressive war.
So
far actual warfare had been avoided because of
the love of peace, the lack of preparedness, the
patience, the cowardice call it what you
will of the democratic powers, but after
Munich the question which filled the minds of
all thinking people with acute anxiety was "where
will this thing end? Is Hitler now satisfied as
he declared himself to be? Or is his pursuit of
Lebensraum going