4
Dec. 45
to
lead to future aggressions, even if he has to
embark on open, aggressive war to secure it?"
It was in relation to the remainder of
Czechoslovakia and to Poland that the answer to
these questions was to be given. So far, up to
the time of the Munich Agreement, no direct and
immediate threat to Poland had been made. The
two documents from which I have just quoted,
show of course, that high officers of the
Defendant Göring's air staff already
regarded the expansion of the Reich and, it
would seem, the destruction and absorption of
Poland, as a foregone conclusion. They were
already anticipating, indeed, the last stage of
Hitler's policy as expounded in Mein
Kampf war to destroy France and
to secure Lebensraum in Russia. And the writer
of the minute to Ribbentrop already took it for
granted that, after Czechoslovakia, Poland would
be attacked. But more impressive than those two
documents is the fact that, as I have said, at
the conference of 5 November 1937, war with
Poland, if she should dare to prevent German
aggression against Czechoslovakia, had been
quite coolly and calmly contemplated, and the
Nazi leaders were ready to take the risk. So
also had the risk of war with England and France
under the same circumstances been considered and
accepted. As I indicated, such a war would, of
course, have been aggressive war on Germany's
part, and they were contemplating aggressive
warfare. For to force one state to take up arms
to defend another state against aggression, in
other words, to fulfill its treaty obligations
is undoubtedly to initiate aggressive warfare
against the first state. But in spite of those
plans, in spite of these intentions behind the
scenes, it remains true that until Munich the
decision for direct attack upon Poland and her
destruction by aggressive war had apparently not
as yet been taken by Hitler and his associates.
It is to the transition from the intention and
preparation of initiating aggressive war,
evident in regard to Czechoslovakia, to the
actual initiation and waging of aggressive war
against Poland that I now pass. That transition
occupies the 11 months from the 1st of October
1938 to the actual attack on Poland on the 1st
of September 1939.
Within 6 months of
the signature of the Munich Agreement the Nazi
leaders had occupied the remainder of
Czechoslovakia, which by that Agreement they had
indicated their willingness to guarantee. On the
14th of March 1939 the aged and infirm president
of the "rump" of Czechoslovakia, Hacha
and his Foreign Minister were summoned to
Berlin. At a meeting held between 1 o'clock and
2:15 in the small hours of the 15th of March in
the presence of Hitler, of the Defendants
Ribbentrop, Göring, and Keitel, they were
bullied and threatened and even bluntly told
that Hitler "had issued the orders for the
German troops to move into Czechoslovakia and
for the incorporation of Czechoslovakia into the
German Reich."