"U.S. and NATO Policy Toward the Crisis in Kosovo"
Good afternoon, Mr. Chairman, and Senators, I am pleased to appear before you
concerning U.S. and NATO policy towards the crisis in Kosovo.
My intention is to lay out concisely America's stake in the outcome of this crisis; the
events that brought us to this point; the status of our military, diplomatic and
humanitarian efforts; and our vision for the future.
As you know, Mr. Chairman, the potential dangers of the situation in Kosovo have been
recognized throughout this decade. Slobodan Milosevic first vaulted to prominence by
exploiting the fears of ethnic Serbs in this province. A decade ago, he catered to those
fears by robbing Kosovo Albanians of their cherished autonomy. For years thereafter, the
Kosovo Albanians sought to recover their rights by peaceful means. And in 1992, after
fighting had broken out elsewhere in the Balkans, President Bush issued a warning against
Serb military repression in Kosovo.
Meanwhile, President Milosevic was the primary instigator in three wars, attacking
first Slovenia, then Croatia, and finally triggering a devastating and prolonged conflict
in Bosnia.
Early last year, he initiated a more extensive and violent campaign of repression
against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. One result was a humanitarian crisis, as tens of
thousands of people fled their homes. A second consequence--unforeseen by him--was the
strengthening of the Kosovar Liberation Army (KLA), which contributed to the unrest by
committing provocative acts of its own.
With our allies and partners, including Russia, the United States sought to end this
cycle of violence by diplomatic means. Last October, President Milosevic agreed to a
ceasefire, to the withdrawal of most of his security forces, and to the entry of a
verification mission from the OSCE.
It soon became clear, however, that Milosevic never had any intention of living up to
this agreement. Instead of withdrawing, his security forces positioned themselves for a
new offensive. Early this year, they perpetrated a massacre in the village of Racak. And
at Rambouillet, Belgrade rejected a plan for peace that had been accepted by the Kosovo
Albanians, and that included provisions for disarming the KLA, and safeguarding the rights
of all Kosovars, including ethnic Serbs.
Even while blocking our diplomatic efforts, Milosevic was preparing a barbaric plan for
expelling or forcing the total submission of the Kosovo Albanian community. First, his
security forces threatened and then forced the withdrawal of the OSCE mission. Then, a new
rampage of terror began.
We have all seen the resulting images of families uprooted and put on trains, children
crying for parents they cannot find, refugees recounting how loved ones were separated and
led away, and ominous aerial photos of freshly-upturned earth.
Behind these images is a reality of people no different in their fundamental rights or
humanity than you or me--of children no different than yours or mine--cut off from their
homes, deprived of their families, robbed of their dreams. And make no mistake, this
campaign of terror was the cause, not the result, of NATO action. It is a Milosevic
production.
Today, our values and principles, our perseverance and our strength, are being tested.
We must be united at home and with our Allies overseas. The stakes are high. To understand
why that is, we need, as President Clinton has repeatedly urged, to consult the map.
Kosovo is a small part of a region with large historic importance and a vital role to play
in Europe's future.
The region is a crossroads where the Western and Orthodox branches of Christianity and
the Islamic world meet. It is where World War I began, major battles of World War II were
fought, and the worst fighting in Europe since Hitler's surrender occurred in this decade.
Its stability directly affects the security of our Greek and Turkish allies to the
south, and our new allies Hungary, Poland and the Czech Republic to the north. Kosovo
itself is surrounded by small and struggling democracies that are being overwhelmed by the
flood of refugees Milosevic's ruthless policies are creating.
Today, this region is the critical missing piece in the puzzle of a Europe whole and
free. That vision of a united and democratic Europe is critical to our own security. And
it cannot be fulfilled if this part of the continent remains wracked by conflict.
Further, Belgrade's actions constitute a critical test of NATO, whose strength and
credibility have defended freedom and ensured our security for five decades. To paraphrase
Senator Chuck Hagel, today, there is a butcher in NATO's backyard, and we have committed
ourselves to stopping him. History will judge us harshly if we fail.
For all of these reasons, NATO's decision to use force against the Milosevic regime was
necessary and right. And the conditions the Alliance has set for ending its campaign are
clear, just and firm.
There must be a verifiable stop to Serb military action against the people of Kosovo.
Belgrade's military, police and paramilitary forces must leave so that refugees can
return. An international military presence must be permitted. And the people of Kosovo
must be given the democratic self-government they have long deserved.
As President Clinton has said, as long as Milosevic refuses to accept these conditions,
NATO's air campaign will continue, and we will seek to destroy as much of Belgrade's
military capabilities as we can. Each day, Milosevic's capacity to conduct repression will
diminish.
It is evident that the efforts of our courageous military forces are having a
significant impact on Milosevic's options and abilities. But that impact is not yet
sufficient. We must maintain the pressure until an acceptable outcome is achieved.
At the same time, we will continue to help those in the region cope with the
humanitarian disaster Milosevic has created.
We do not know with any certainty how many people are now homeless inside Kosovo, but
officials estimate as many as 800,000. Belgrade has made a terrible situation worse by
interfering with efforts to provide food and other basic necessities. We are exploring
every possible option for helping these people before it is too late. And we welcome
efforts by Greek NGOs and the International Committee of the Red Cross to open up a relief
lifeline, which we hope will move desperately needed supplies to the population at risk.
In addition to the internally displaced, more than half a million Kosovars have fled
the region since the latest violence began. Of these, the vast majority are now in Albania
and Macedonia, where the terrain is rugged, the weather harsh and the infrastructure
limited. Feverish efforts are underway to build camps and provide services. With local
officials, the UNHCR, WHO, UNICEF, our allies and partners, and nongovernmental
organizations, we are struggling to save lives, maintain health and restore hope.
Thus far, we have contributed $150 million to this effort. Yesterday, the President
submitted an emergency supplemental request that includes $386 million in additional State
Department and USAID humanitarian assistance funds, and $335 million in Defense Department
humanitarian assistance. Last week, NATO approved Operation Allied Harbor, under which
8,000 troops will work with relief agencies in Albania to establish camps, deliver aid and
ensure security. The U.S. Information Agency is participating in an effort to provide
internal communications facilities at refugee camps in order to help reunify families.
Many of the refugees streaming out of Kosovo have reported Serb war crimes and crimes
against humanity. These reported abuses include the widespread and systematic destruction
of entire settlements, the burning of homes, the seizure of civilians for use as human
shields and human blood banks, the rape of ethnic Albanian women and girls, and the
systematic separation and execution of military-aged men.
For example, there have been reports of the killing of 60 men in Kacanik; and of the
burial of 24 people at Glavnik, 30 in Lapastica, 150 in Drenica, 34 in Malisevo, 100 in
Pristina; and other suspected mass burials at Pusto Selo and Izbica, where refugees
reported that victims were first tortured and then burned to death.
There should be no misunderstanding. When it comes to the commission of war crimes or
crimes against humanity, "just following orders" is no defense. In the
prosecution of such crimes, there is no statute of limitations. And the international war
crimes tribunal has rightly indicated that it will follow the evidence no matter where it
leads.
The tribunal has already put Milosevic and 12 other FRY or Serbian officials on notice
that forces under their command have committed war crimes, and that failure to prosecute
those responsible can give rise to criminal charges against them. The United States has
publicly identified nine military commanders whose forces may have been involved in the
commission of such crimes.
By helping to document refugee accounts, and by compiling and sharing other evidence,
we are and will continue to assist the tribunal in its effort to hold perpetrators
accountable.
Mr. Chairman, in dealing with Kosovo prior to the last week of March, we were engaged
in diplomacy backed by the threat of force. Since that time, we have used diplomacy to
back NATO's military campaign.
Our diplomacy has several objectives. The first is to ensure that NATO remains united
and firm. To this end, I met with Alliance foreign ministers in Brussels last week. And
the President will meet with his counterparts here in Washington at the NATO Summit on
Friday and Saturday. To date, we have been heartened by the broad participation and strong
support the military campaign has received. In one way or another, every Ally is
contributing.
Our unity has been strengthened by the knowledge that Milosevic refused a diplomatic
settlement and by revulsion at his campaign of ethnic cleansing. No country in NATO wanted
to have to use force against Serbia. But no country in NATO is willing to stand by and
accept in Europe the expulsion of an entire ethnic community from its home.
Our second diplomatic objective has been to help leaders in the countries directly
affected to cope with the humanitarian crisis, and to prevent a wider conflict. To this
end, I have been in regular contact with my counterparts from the region. Their leaders
will participate as partners in the NATO Summit. And the President's supplemental request
includes $150 million in emergency and project assistance to these nations and to
democratic Montenegro.
Our third objective is to work constructively with Russia. We want to continue to make
progress in other areas of our relationship, and to bring Russia back into the mainstream
of international opinion on Kosovo.
When I met with Foreign Minister Ivanov last week, he was clear about Russia's
opposition to the NATO air campaign. But we did agree on the need for an end to the
violence and repression in Kosovo; the withdrawal of Serb forces; the return of refugees
and internally displaced persons; and unimpeded access for humanitarian aid.
Where we continue to have differences is over the kind of international presence
required to achieve these objectives. As I told Foreign Minister Ivanov, after Milosevic's
depredations in Kosovo, refugees will not be able to return home unless the protective
force is credible, which requires that its core must come from NATO. As in Bosnia,
however, we think that Russia could and should play an important role in that force, and
we would welcome the participation of NATO's other partner countries, as well.
Our fourth diplomatic objective has been to ensure that NATO's message is understood
around the world. We are engaged in a vigorous program of public diplomacy, and have
provided information on a regular basis to nations everywhere.
We have been encouraged by strong statements from the European Union and UN Secretary
General Kofi Annan, and by the participation in relief efforts of diverse countries such
as Egypt, Jordan and Ukraine.
Moreover, last week, the UN Human Rights Commission in Geneva voted 44 to 1 to condemn
Belgrade's campaign of ethnic cleansing in Kosovo and called upon Serb authorities to
accept a peace agreement. Supporters of this Resolution came from every continent.
We have also tried to pierce the veil of propaganda and ignorance with which Milosevic
has tried to shroud the people of former Yugoslavia. Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberty and
other broadcasts are reaching the country 24 hours a day. As President Clinton and other
NATO leaders have made clear, our actions are directed against Belgrade's policies, not
against the region's people. And our effort to broadcast the truth is designed to
counteract Belgrade's Big Lie that the refugees from Kosovo are fleeing NATO and not the
Serb forces.
In the days and weeks to come, we will press ahead with our military, diplomatic and
humanitarian strategies. Our purpose will be to steadily bring home to Milosevic the
reality that this confrontation must end on the terms we have stated.
Our desire is to begin as soon as possible the vital work of returning, reuniting and
rebuilding in Kosovo. But we are not interested in a phony settlement based on
unverifiable assumptions or Milosevic's worthless word. The only settlement we can accept
is one we have the ability to verify and the capability to enforce.
Even as we respond to the crisis in Kosovo, we must also concern ourselves more broadly
with the future of the region. The peaceful integration of Europe's north, west and center
is well advanced or on track. But, as I said earlier, the continent cannot be whole and
free until its southeast corner is also stable.
Some say violence is endemic to this region, and that its people have never and will
never get along. Others say that stability is only possible under the crushing weight of a
dominant empire such as the Ottoman, Hapsburg and Communist regimes that once held sway.
I am no prophet. Certainly, the scars of the past are still visible. Certainly, the
wounds opened by the current devastation will take much time to heal. But the evidence is
there in the testimony of average people whether in Zagreb or Tirana, Sarajevo or Skopje,
that they are far more interested in plugging into the world economy than in slugging it
out with former adversaries.
If you look at the region today, you will see Greeks and Turks operating side by side
as NATO Allies; you will see Macedonians and Albanians and Montenegrins answering the
humanitarian call. You will see Christians and Muslims and Jews united in their
condemnation of the atrocities being committed.
In Bosnia, NATO and its partners are working with ethnic Serbs, Croats and Bosniaks to
implement the Dayton Accords. And through our own Southeast European Cooperative
Initiative, you will see leaders and citizens from throughout the region engaged in joint
efforts and cooperative planning.
The problems that have plagued the Balkans--of competition for resources, ethnic
rivalry and religious intolerance--are by no means restricted to that part of the world.
Nor does the region lack the potential to rise above them.
During the NATO Summit, the President and our partners will discuss the need for a
coordinated effort to consolidate democracy in Southeast Europe, promote economic
integration and provide moral and material support to those striving to build societies
based on law and respect for the rights and dignity of all.
Our explicit goal should be to transform the Balkans from the continent's primary
source of instability into an integral part of the European mainstream. We do not want the
current conflict to be the prelude to others; we want to build a solid foundation for a
new generation of peace--so that future wars are prevented, economies grow, democratic
institutions are strengthened and the rights of all are preserved.
This will require a commitment from us. It will require the involvement of the European
Union and the international financial institutions. It will require a continued
willingness on the part of local leaders to work together on behalf of the common good.
And it will require, ultimately, a change in leadership in Belgrade so the democratic
aspirations of the Serb people may be fulfilled and the isolation of the former Yugoslavia
can come to an end.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, I would like to add just a few words about the crisis in Kosovo
and the future of NATO. For the challenge we currently face has dramatized the need for
precisely the kind of adaptations the Alliance has already initiated, and which we will
take to a new level at the Summit here in Washington later this week.
In Kosovo, we are responding to a post-Cold War threat to Alliance interests and
values. We are seeing the need for military forces that are mobile, flexible, precise and
inter-operable. We are seeing the value to the Alliance of its new members and partners.
And we are reaffirming the unshakable strength of the trans-Atlantic bond.
Having said that, I want to emphasize that although we are focused now on Kosovo, the
future of NATO is a much larger issue. The current fighting notwithstanding, NATO's core
mission remains collective self-defense. NATO's relationship to Russia is a key to
Europe's future security and will be determined by many factors in addition to Kosovo. The
Alliance must be ready to respond to the full spectrum of missions it may face, including
the perils posed by weapons of mass destruction. And the United States will continue to
welcome efforts to strengthen the European pillar of our Alliance in a way that bolsters
overall effectiveness and unity.
I know that your Subcommittee on Europe will be conducting a hearing on these and
related issues tomorrow, Mr. Chairman, and I am sure that Assistant Secretary Grossman and
his counterpart from the Department of Defense will discuss them in greater depth than I
have had the opportunity to do in my remarks this afternoon.
I also understand that the Congressional leadership will host a reception this week for
our visitors from NATO countries. I hope that you will thank them for their efforts and
stress to them the importance of standing together and standing tall until the current
confrontation is settled.
As the President and our military leaders have made clear, this struggle may be long.
We can expect days of tragedy for us as well as for the people of the region. But we must
not falter and we cannot fail.
By opposing Solobodan Milosevic's murderous rampage, NATO is playing its rightful role
as a defender of freedom and security within the Euro-Atlantic region. Because our cause
is just, we are united. And because we are united, we are confident that in this
confrontation between barbaric killing and necessary force; between vicious intolerance
and respect for human rights; between tyranny and democracy; we will prevail. To that
essential objective, I pledge the full measure of my own efforts, and respectfully solicit
both your wise counsel and support.
Thank you very much, and now I would be pleased to respond to any questions you might
have.
Document compiled by Dr S D Stein
