Source: http://www.h-net.msu.edu/reviews/ Copyright © 1999, H-Net H-NET BOOK REVIEW
Published by H-US-Japan@h-net.msu.edu (August, 1999) Gunther Bischof and Robert L. Dupont, eds.The Pacific War Revisited. Eisenhower Center for American Studies. Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1997. xiii + 220 pp. Photographs, notes, bibliography, index. $25.00 (cloth), ISBN 0-8071-2158-8. Reviewed by Charles C. Kolb <CKolb@neh.gov>, National Endowment for the Humanities Some “Less Traveled Terrain” of the War in the Pacific, 1941-1945 [Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this
review are those of the author and not of his employer or any other
federal agency.] Fifty years after the Japanese attack on
Anglo-American military installations in the Pacific, a group of leading
scholars met to explore some of the “less traveled terrain” (p. xi) of
the 1941-1945 War in the Pacific. The nine papers that comprise this
edited volume include eight revised from those presented initially at the
annual spring conference held in April 1991 at the Eisenhower Center at
the University of New Orleans. The oral presentations addressed
topics that range from high command and strategy to concerns about
logistics, prisoners of war, and racism. Two papers originally
delivered at the conference are not included in this corpus but an
additional essay, prepared by Ambrose and Villa, is incorporated.
That essay is based upon discussions held at the Pacific War Conference
and serves as a summary and analysis of the problem of racism on the part
of both the Americans and the Japanese and the strategies employed to
defeat Japanese militarism. Organizationally, this volume includes an
“Introduction” and three arrangements of papers—Part I: Politics,
Strategy, and Logistics (four papers); Part II: POWS and Nurses (two
presentations); and Part III: Racism and the Bomb (two chapters). In
addition, there is an eight-page “Photo Selection: American Posters and
Cartoons of World War II,” Acknowledgments (three pages prepared by the
senior editor), a Selected Bibliography (161 items), Notes on [the]
Contributors (twelve mini-biographies), and a ten-page double-column Index
that conflates proper nouns and topics. The book contains a total of
forty black-and-white images; most chapters have four, while the “Photo
Selection” (pp. 101-108) has eight. The editors and authors have
chosen to use footnote references (363 total). The Selected
Bibliography is divided into two major components: Primary Sources
(a total of 39 citations that include seven document collections and 32
memoirs, diaries, and letters), and Secondary Sources (122 entries
comprised of 97 books, 23 articles, and two dissertations). The
authors rely heavily upon secondary sources, particularly the writings and
opinions of their peer historians or mentors. There are fewer citations to
primary archival documents and record groups than this reviewer expected
to find. There are no maps, chronological charts, or tables. The senior editor, Gunther Bischof, holds a Ph.D.
from Harvard University, serves as associate professor of history at the
University of New Orleans, and is associate director of the Eisenhower
Center. The majority of his professional writing concerns the
European Theater of Operations during World War II.
Dupont is dean of Metropolitan College at the University of New
Orleans, having obtained his B.A. in History from Loyola University and an
M.P.A from New Orleans, and is (in 1997) completing a Ph.D. in history at
Louisiana State University. In this review, I shall outline the precise,
salient arguments, and conclusions presented by the contributors, and
comment on each chapter before providing an overall assessment of the
volume. The initial contribution, prepared by D. Clayton
James, “Introduction: Rethinking the Pacific War” (pp. 1-14, 27
footnotes), sets the tone of the volume and is a valuable prelude to the
other papers. James is professor emeritus but formerly held the John
Biggs Chair in Military History at the Virginia Military Institute, and is
well known for his three-volume biography of Douglas MacArthur. By
early 1942, Japan’s defense perimeter had reached its maximum at about
14,200 miles, creating logistical complications in a “war of
distances.” Both the Japanese and the allies were hampered by
distance and disease, but the United States was also disadvantaged by a
lack of basic geographic information on terrain, environments, and
indigenous peoples. A potential advantage (or disadvantage depending
upon one’s viewpoint) was that an Anglo-American agreement resulted in
the assumption of the leadership role in the Pacific war by the United
States, with the incorporation Australian, New Zealand, British, and Dutch
elements. Hence, there was no “unified command,” rather (as the
Australians and New Zealanders saw it), a monolithic American command.
The British naval forces did not reappear in the Pacific until the spring
of 1945. See Bath’s _Tracking the Axis Enemy_ (1998) and
Spector’s _The Eagle Against the Sun (1985)_ for additional details
regarding these issues. James also cogently notes that early writings on
the history of the Pacific War were of several genres: 1) combat
actions reported by war correspondents, 2) official histories, 3) memoirs
by veteran officers, and 4) popular books by journals and military
“buffs.” He comments that professional historians focus upon
interviews, oral histories, official reports, and the documentary record.
A more recent trend in military writing about the Pacific War is the
emphasis on social, cultural, economic, political, diplomatic,
psychological, technological, and intelligence components.
Provocative and critical works by serious, non-official scholars such as
Thorne (1978), Iriye (1981), and Dower (1986), emphasize important issues,
and there has been a trend toward topical subjects, for example, the
attack on Pearl Harbor, the Yalta Conference, and especially the political
and military decisions regarding the use of the atomic bomb.
According to James, there are three problems that face contemporary
scholarship: 1) the unavailability of Chinese and Manchurian records
and documents of the World War II era held currently by the Communist
Chinese, 2) the crucial issue of Western and Asian ethnocentrism, and 3) a
scarcity of Anglo-American scholars who possess a mastery of Asian-Pacific
languages and access to the primary sources. Michael Schaller, author of “General Douglas
MacArthur and the Politics of the Pacific War” (pp. 17-40, 39 footnotes,
four images), holds a doctoral degree from the University of Michigan, is
professor of history at the University of Arizona, and specializes in the
study of American-East Asian relations.
Schaller presents a refreshing evaluation of General of the Army
MacArthur by assessing the political strength that the general had in the
United States. Schaller attributes MacArthur’s wartime
appointments, and awards and decorations—including the Medal of
Honor—to the general’s “public relations abilities” rather than to
his military aptitude. Schaller argues that MacArthur gained
Roosevelt’s support for the allied return to the Philippines in 1944
because of MacArthur’s cunning political maneuvering and that likelihood
that the forthcoming presidential election would pit Republican candidate
MacArthur versus Democratic incumbent Roosevelt. The implication is
that FDR “bought off” or sidetracked MacArthur’s political ambitions
or that the general played a magnificent hand of poker and brought more
glory to his military exploits and legend.
Schaller questions MacArthur’s judgment and overconfidence, if
not his sanity. In particular, the general, following his retirement
from the U.S. Army, assumed the role of military advisor to the
Commonwealth of the Philippines, but was recalled to active duty in the
U.S. Army and accepting an illegal gift of $500,000 in gold from President
Quezon. MacArthur’s abilities and motives are questioned in the
loss of the Army Air Force planes at Clark Field and the rout of the
Philippine troops by the Japanese. Salient quotations from a journal kept in 1942-1943
by British Lt. Colonel Gerard Wilkinson, a British liaison, characterize
MacArthur (p. 30): “He is shrewd, selfish, proud, remote, highly
strung, and vastly vain; [he has] no humor about himself, no regard for
truth and is unaware of these defects His main ambition would be to
end the war as a Pan-American hero in the form of generalissimo of all
Pacific theaters He hates Roosevelt and dislike’s Winston’s
[Churchill’s] control of Roosevelt’s strategy. He is not
basically anti-British, just pro-MacArthur.” Schaller also reminds
us of MacArthur’s affair with a Filipina (Isabel Cooper) and evaluates
the 26-28 July 1944 meeting between the general and FDR, described as a
“lovefest” (p. 36). In sum, Schaller demonstrates that
MacArthur’s stars are quite tarnished. The essay also suggests
implicitly that scholars should take a closer look at MacArthur’s role
in Tokyo during the allied occupation and his later decisions in Korea.
This chapter is a condensed version of Schaller’s (1989) book, to which
this reviewer directs the reader. “The Pacific War and the Fourth Dimension of
Strategy” (pp. 41-56, 34 footnotes, four images) is written by
Ronald H. Spector, who holds a Ph.D. from Yale University and teaches
history at George Washington University. He served with the Marine
Corps in Vietnam and is a major in the Marine Corps Reserve, and was an
historian at the U.S. Army center of Military History. Among his
major books is Eagle Against the Sun (1985) which made use of
declassified British and American archival material. Spector deals
with the social and psychological dimensions of America’s Pacific war
strategy in evaluating the popular perceptions of the Japanese in the
post-Pearl Harbor years. The “fourth dimension” of strategy
derives from an article written by Sir Michael Howard (1979). After the
“sneak attack” and the collapse of diplomatic negotiations, the
American public considered themselves betrayed and regarded the Japanese
as a treacherous, fanatic, heinous aggressors, and as “inhuman
animals” deserving of extermination. Spector argues persuasively that
these stereotyped perceptions of the Japanese, enhanced by propaganda
including cartoons, posters, motion picture films, etc., was pervasive in
all levels and classes of American society. This, he contends, would
lead ultimately to numerous American atrocities in the Pacific Theater of
Operations, including the fact that a relatively few Japanese prisoners of
war were taken by the Americans—especially the Marines. He also
concludes that this perception also contributed to a “high risk” naval
strategy in the Pacific and an American impatience to win the war quickly
and decisively. After 7 December 1941, the American public was
unified and ready to endure real sacrifices in order to defeat—“punish
and destroy”—the common enemy. This “exterminationist”
rhetoric—a term borrowed from John Dower (1986)--had an impact on
American strategy, since war planners realized that the American public
was unlikely to support a lengthy war with Japan. Therefore, a
psychological dimension was added to operational, logistical, and
technological strategies. Dower (1986) writes more fully about these
issues. Daniel K. Blewett’s unique contribution, “Fuel
and U.S. Naval Operations in the Pacific, 1942” (pp. 57-80, 76
footnotes, four images), undertakes the analysis of a significant problem
in logistics in the struggle against Japan. The author obtained an
M.A. in history and a second master’s degree in library science from
Indiana University at Bloomington. He serves as a special collection
librarian and a bibliographer at Elizabeth M. Cudahay Memorial Library of
Loyola University of Chicago. The documentation he assembles about
the U.S. Navy’s lack of preparedness to undertake a war in the
Pacific—let alone a global war—is chilling and irrefutable. The
most significant problem was geographic—the great distances in supplying
naval and land-based forces. However, meager fuel supplies through
1942, the lack of adequate Pacific island bases and the limitations of
existing ports (including Pearl Harbor), a serious shortage of oilers
(tankers)--especially those that were fast and had large capacities, and
the inclement Pacific weather were salient factors as well. These
were exacerbated by a lack of trained personnel during the early war
years. The first year of the conflict was replete with problems of
logistics and naval defeats or stalemates, but from 1943 through 1945, the
navy enjoyed stronger logistical support. Blewett cites one admiral
as stating that the U.S. Navy was “able to undertake not more than fifty
per cent of the desired strategic operations” in 1942 (p. 57). Kenneth J. Hagan, author of the chapter entitled
“American Submarine Warfare in the Pacific, 1941-1945: Guerre de course
Triumphant” (pp. 81-108, 36 footnotes, four images) reexamines American
submarine warfare tactics and policies. He holds a doctorate from
Claremont Graduate School and taught at Kansas State University before
joining the faculty of the U.S. Naval Academy where he was a full
professor of history and served as archivist and museum director; he
became professor emeritus and now lives in California. Hagan begins
by examining the history of commercial raiding, recalling the U.S.
strategy of John Paul Jones during the Revolutionary War and the success
of Raphael Semmes of the CSS Alabama during the American Civil War— Semmes, the “Shark of the Confederacy,” took 68
Union ships. By examining the policy of unrestricted German U-boat
warfare against merchant shipping (guerre de course or commerce raiding)
during World War I, Hagan observes correctly that this “barbaric”
German activity precipitated America’s entry into that conflict.
He suggests provocatively that a generation later the United States
borrowed the concept of unrestricted attacks against merchant shipping as
a key economic strategy against the Japanese Empire. As a result,
unrestricted submarine warfare against commercial Japanese shipping
accounted for 4.8 million of the 8.1 million tons sunk or destroyed—
mines accounted for another 1.3 million tons. The submarine figures
would have been much enhanced if the problems with American torpedo
detonation had been resolved earlier—see Hellions of the Deep
(Gannon, 1996). Hagan contends that Britain and the United States
had not learned the lessons of submarine warfare from World War I,
initially relegating submarines as scouts for the fleet rather than
offensive weapons in their own right. However, by 1944 unrestricted
submarine and air warfare against Japan had taken a heavy toll on warships
and merchantmen. The transit of Japanese oil tankers the East Indies
to Japan was identified only then as Japan’s “Achilles heel” and
these ships became primary targets for U.S. submarines. In sum,
tactical conservatism in 1942 was replaced by aggressive action by 1944;
nonetheless, the U.S. Navy lost 52 submarines (374 officers and 3,131 men) in the
Pacific Theater. Likewise, naval intelligence and decrypts of the
J25 code messages played an important role; see also the late Clay
Blair’s (1975) compendium and David Kahn’s _The Codebreakers_ (1996). Gregory J. W. Urwin contributes the essay entitled
“The Defenders of Wake Island and Their Two Wars, 1941-1945” (pp.
111-137, 56 footnotes, five images). He obtained his doctorate from
the University of Notre Dame, is professor of history at the University of
Central Arkansas, and has published widely on American and European
military history. Urwin evaluates the experiences of the 524
military personnel and 1,146 civilian construction contract workers who
were captured after resisting the Japanese for sixteen days in December
1941. Of the 1,593 American prisoners of war, 244 (27 military and
217 civilian) died by August 1945. Urwin’s essay chronicles
the group’s 44 months in prisoner of war camps, notably in Shanghai.
The battle for the island received extensive attention in the American
press and in subsequent wartime propaganda—for example the 1942 motion
picture Wake Island was an “updated Custer’s Last Stand” (p. 115).
However, the incarceration of these men received scant attention in the
American press. In sum, the defenders fared relatively well because,
Urwin concludes, a majority of the group was imprisoned together so that
the unit remained cohesive and disciplined under an admired leader,
Colonel Devereaux. This was
in stark contrast to the fate of the defenders of Bataan and Corrigidor.
The 110-km “Death March” of the 60,000 survivors resulted in 10,650
deaths during its course and an additional 17,600 during the next seven
weeks. However, Urwin seems to underplay the differences in
defensive time: 16 days from the beginning of the Japanese attack to
surrender at Wake versus 120 days for Bataan [9 April 1942] and 147 for
Corrigidor [6 May 1942]. In addition, the Wake Island personnel had
adequate supplies of food and medicine, never endured a forced march to a
prisoner of war camp, and were incarcerated initially in the construction
workers’ quarters. Since the 1991 conference, Professor Urwin has
completed a book-length treatment--_Facing Fearful Odds: The Siege of Wake
Island_ (1997) that updates and enhances this essay. Kathleen Warnes, the only woman to contribute to
this book, wrote the chapter entitled “Nurses under Fire: Healing and
Heroism in the South Pacific” (pp. 138-160, 50 footnotes, four images).
She holds an M.A. in history from Marquette University and in 1997 was
working on her doctorate. Using oral histories and archives, Warnes
assesses the experiences of military nurses during the Pacific war,
beginning with the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor and the conquest of the
Philippines. She considers the naval hospital ship Solace and
especially the attack on Cavite, the fall of Bataan, and the subsequent
Japanese occupation of the Philippines. Some military nurses were
evacuated by PBY or by submarine, but the 53 army and navy nurses and 29
Filipino nurses were permitted to care for sick and wounded prisoners of
war for the duration of hostilities at the Santo Tomas and Los Banos
camps. Warnes chronicles the years of captivity in Japanese prisoner
of war camps, the effect of the allied struggles in New Guinea and the
return to the Philippines. She notes that during the war, 29 percent
of American graduating nurses joined the military nursing services, and
she comments that the nurses aided significantly the survival of wounded
personnel. The data illustrates that the lives of 97 of every 100
wounded military men were saved—a testament to the nurses’ heroism and
skills, exemplified by the story of Sophia Kwiatkowski and the work of
other individual nurses that Warnes cites in her essay. The H-NET
Discussion list, H-MINERVA (Women in War and Women in the Military) has
recently had a discussion “thread” about American women military
personnel, particularly nurses, who endured capture by the Japanese.
None of these captives were apparently sexually abused or molested. Herman S. Wolk, senior historian at the Air Force
History Support Office, Headquarters USAF, is the author of several books
on strategic bombing, Air Force history, and Douglas MacArthur. His
contribution, “General Arnold, the Atomic Bomb, and the Surrender of
Japan” (pp. 163-178, 22 footnotes, four images), reveals the near
obsession of General Henry H. (“Hap”) Arnold, commander of the
United States Army Air Forces, with the VLR (Very Long Range) strategic
bombing offensive against the Japanese homeland from 1944-1945. Wolk
considers issues such as the problems with the Wright aircraft engines,
strategic planning, the concept for Operation Matterhorn (bombing Japan
from bases in that would be established on the Chinese mainland), and the
development airbases in the Marianas. The replacement of General
Wolfe with General LeMay in order to hasten victory deserves further
examination. However, the
change from high altitude daylight bombing to low level night attacks with
incendiaries was a crucial step. Wolk likens the 9-10 March 1945
raid on Tokyo as a “Pearl Harbor in reverse” (p.
171) in that more Japanese perished in that single attack than
would die because of the atomic bomb attacks at Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
There is, of course, an unmentioned parallel to the firebombing of
Dresden, Germany in February 1945. Neither the citizens of Tokyo or
Dresden were prepared for the incendiary attack and the resultant
firestorm. Arnold contended that B-29 Superfortress missions could
have forced Japan’s surrender without the use of the atomic bomb or a
land invasion, e.g., Operation Olympic (the allied invasion of Kyushu).
Wolk says nothing about Operation Coronet (the invasion of the Tokyo
Plain) which was the second half of the larger Operation Downfall. Included as a major item on the general’s agenda
was his crusade to create an air force as an independent service equal in
stature to the army and navy in the postwar era. This campaign was
conditioned by Arnold’s own role since 1939 in initiating and advocating
the B-29 development program. Arnold stated that the United States
was never able to launch the full power of the B-29 incendiary attacks
(adding Operation Matterhorn to the strikes from the Marianas). A
controversy remains because the use of the atomic bomb “had stolen the
thunder of the conventional B-29 attacks” (p. 178), thereby making less
clear the contribution of strategic conventional bombing to ending the
war. However, the reader may recall that the August 1944 strategic
bombing of the Rumanian oil refining complex at Ploiesti did not succeed,
nor had the February 1944 allied air forces concerted efforts against the
German aircraft industry: Augsburg, Bernberg, Brunswick, Leipzig, Stuttgart,
Regensburg, and Schweinfurt. The incendiary attack on Dresden
represented a change in strategy. This reviewer wonders if the
European “lesson” that had been learned at Dresden was then applied to
Japan? No contributors assess this possibility. Stephen E. Ambrose and Brian Loring Villa prepared
the final essay, “Racism, the Atomic Bomb, and the Transformation of
Japanese-American Relations” (pp. 179-198, 23 footnotes, four images).
A very well known historian, Ambrose holds a Ph.D. from the University of
Wisconsin at Madison, and is currently professor emeritus of history at
the University of New Orleans, where he had founded the Eisenhower Center
and has become its emeritus director.
He is the editor of Eisenhower’s wartime papers (five volumes)
and a prolific author on various subjects in American history and,
particularly, World War II. Villa has a Ph.D. in history from
Harvard University, taught at West Point, and is professor of history at
the University of Ottawa where is specializes in World War II American
military and diplomatic history. Their contribution, developed from
discussions at the conference, holds that the use of the atomic bomb
contributed significantly to the breakdown of racism and the hatred that
was integral to both the American and Japanese perceptions of the
“enemy.” The policies of unrestricted submarine warfare against
merchant shipping and the bombing of civilian populations are also
reviewed. Their provocative essay contends that this lead to a
reconciliation of Americans and Japanese—“a remarkably quick breakdown
of racial hatred”—that occurred more quickly than that of Americans
and Germans (p. 181). Ambrose and Villa argue that the use of the
atomic bomb “gave the Japanese a way to surrender without shame” and
satisfied “the America people’s rage for revenge.” In addition, almost as a separate exposition or
sidebar to the main thrust of the essay, they refute convincingly Gar
Alperovitz’s contention (_Atomic Diplomacy_, 1994) that there were more
appropriate and humane alternatives to the use of the atomic bomb.
Alperovitz’s “fundamental disregard of the evidence” (p. 185) is
exemplified in the assumption that rational men would surrender with
honor. Ambrose and Villa argue to the contrary that the Japanese
were prepared to fight to the death rather than surrender and that the
Japanese attempted to negotiate an armistice (rather than surrender)
through Moscow later in the war. Political and moral factors in
using the atomic bomb are reviewed; the “pro-use” group included, for
example, Eisenhower, MacArthur, Stimson, Grew, and Truman. The
“quick” surrender with honor and the postwar reconstruction were, they
conclude, facilitated by the use of nuclear weapons. Ambrose and
Villa conclude by stating that “the most brutal act of all in that most
racist war of all had the surprising effect of bringing both sides to
their senses” (p. 198). Revisionist historian Alperovitz (1995)
has also written a more popular and controversial volume, _The Decision to
Use the Atomic Bomb_, which can be balanced with approaches explicated by
Walker (1997), among others. Indeed, as Walker demonstrates, there
were a multitude of reasons for and against the use of atomic bombs and a
lot of gray in between. Skates’s The Invasion of Japan (1994),
gives us a better picture of the projected allied and Japanese casualties
(KIA/WIA/MIA) that might have occurred in Operation Downfall—Olympic
(southern Kyushu) in later 1945 and Coronet (Tokyo Plain) in 1946. It has been estimated that about 80% of the
literature of World War II produced by English-speaking scholars concern
the European-Mediterranean Theater of Operations, in the main, because
Americans and Europeans did not and still do read or understand the native
languages spoken in the Far East and Indo-Pacific region. The lack
of training in Chinese, Japanese, and other so-called “Oriental”
languages has and will continue to hamper original scholarship in the
archival sources that have and will become available. Admiral Halsey
is reputed to have stated that the Atlantic as a “swimming hole” in
comparison to the vastness of the Pacific Ocean, the same might be said of
the quantity of research that awaits the prepared scholar. In Tracking the Axis Enemy (Bath 1998) the
point is also made that the allies in the Pacific lacked a unified command
and the logistical problems were exacerbated by the struggle between
MacArthur, and Nimitz and Halsey for men, materiel, fuel, and
transportation, let alone strategy and tactics. Nonetheless, the
defeat of Nazi Germany was the first priority of the American political
and military strategy, so that a majority of manpower and material went to
the European-Mediterranean Theater of Operations. Your reviewer
wishes that the editors and authors would have made more use of American
and British intelligence data that was available even at the time of the
conference; Spector did so in his writing in 1975. Likewise,
archival materials from American and British Archives continue to be
declassified, including Japanese-language materials from the U.S. National
Archives and Records Administration. Much of this material has also
been microfilmed, just as have a majority of the postwar occupation
materials in the Prange Collection at the University of Maryland.
Gordon W. Prange, who was the Chief Historian attached to MacArthur’s
staff during the years of occupation, obtained an archive of about 1.7
million items including books, pamphlets, magazines, newspapers and
newsletters, photographs, maps, posters, and unpublished materials plus
approximately 600,000 censorship documents. This material is a
“goldmine” for competent scholars. Also, as noted in my introductory remarks, the
authors of these contributions rely heavily upon secondary and synthesized
source materials rather than primary documents and archival record groups.
This is not to say that these essays are superficial, but the chapters
have a distinct American flavor since the writers all received their
training as historians in the United States. No British, Australian,
New Zealander, or Canadian contributor is to be found, and there is no
evidence that British or former Commonwealth nation documents were used in
preparing these essays. Likewise, apparently no Japanese documents
were used and it unclear even if Japanese scholars were invited to the
1991 conference. The revision of the papers seems to have not been a
first priority of the authors and editors since six years passed before
the papers were published. Examples
of the use of declassified archival materials from foreign and domestic
repositories in writing about World War II include the writings of Maria
Emilia Paz (1997) and Friedrich Schuller (1998), and, to a lesser extent,
Alan Harris Bath (1998). Nonetheless, the essays in this volume demonstrate
that the Pacific war offers scholars a viable and fascinating range of
research topics, general and traditional as well as specialized and
narrowly focussed, as these contributions demonstrate.
Walter LaFeber’s _The Clash: U.S.-Japanese Relations Throughout
History_ (1997) helps to place the essays in Bischof and Dupont’s volume
in a more fulsome context. _The Pacific War Revisited_ provides us
with a glimpse of the kinds and varieties of research that may be
undertaken. Lastly, we come full circle to the three problems
that James contends face contemporary scholarship: 1) the
unavailability of Chinese and Manchurian archival materials of the World
War II era held currently by the Communist Chinese, 2) the significant
issue of Western and Asian ethnocentrism, and 3) a scarcity of
Anglo-American scholars who possess a mastery of Asian-Pacific languages
and access to the primary sources. We may not yet be able to
address James’s initial concern, but we have made some headway in the
second—although no Japanese scholar apparently participated in the 1991
conference or contributed a paper. Was this exclusion inadvertent or
an unintended form of ethnocentrism? For example, commentary
from Professor Akira Iriye or another major Japanese scholar of World War
II would be valuable addition to this volume. The third problem
seems to have at least indirectly contributed to the lack of the use of
foreign archival materials in the essays that appear in The Pacific War
Revisited. In conclusion, the nine contributions by young and
experienced historians make superb reading and give us a flavor of the
kinds of research issues that are found in “less traveled terrain.” References Cited
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