- The British public was divided (50%-33%) last week over whether to send ground troops to
Kosovo, while the French were in favor (64%) and the Germans (33%-55%), Italians
(33%-58%), and Spanish (32%-50%) were opposed. Yet, because publics in all of these
countries expressed a preference for troops to take on a peacekeeping rather than a combat
role, survey results showed a great sensitivity to question wording.
- Publics in Italy and Spain voiced only limited support for using ground troops in a
combat role (42% Spain; 33% Italy).
- The Greek public remained hostile to NATO airstrikes, and a majority advocated that
their government adopt a position contrary to that of its NATO allies. At the same time,
half believed that Kosovo Albanians' human rights have been violated by the Milosevic
regime.
- Since the bombing began, publics in new NATO members Poland and Hungary continued to
show strong support for their membership in the alliance, but majorities in both countries
opposed the introduction of ground troops.
- Joining NATO has lost some of its appeal in Romania and Slovakia. Croats expressed
support for their government's cooperation with NATO.
- Russians tended to view NATO's action in Kosovo as aggression against a sovereign state.
However, Russians appeared resistant to entering into any political union with Belgrade.
British Display More Uncertainty Following Refugee Convoy Bombing
Ground Troops. An April 16-17 Guardian /ICM poll, conducted immediately
after NATO bombed a refugee convoy, showed a slight decline in British public support for
both recent and future NATO action and a rise in the number of those unsure. While Britons
still tended to support sending ground troops to fight Serbian forces (50% vs. 33%), this
support declined since March 30-31 (Table 1). Earlier polls
showed support for ground troops as high as 66 percent (Marplan) and as low as 26 percent
(Mori). In the most recent ICM poll, more expressed uncertainty than previously.
Airstrikes. Similarly, ICM /Guardian and Observer surveys
showed that while a majority (57%) continued to support the airstrikes, this majority has
fallen back to levels registered nearly 3 weeks ago (Table 2), with more now saying
they don't know how they feel than previously.
Data from a USIA survey conducted prior to the accidental bombing of the refugee convoy
(March 24-April 14) found that two-thirds (68%) of the British public supported "the
recent U.S./NATO military action in Kosovo." Comparable Marplan and Mori polls
recorded levels of support for airstrikes at 75-76 percent prior to the accident (Table 2).
While Still Opposed To Ground Troops, More In Germany Support Participation
Ground Troops. According to a Forsa survey (conducted April 8-10), Germans
opposed (55%) the deployment of NATO ground troops to Kosovo "if the airstrikes are
not sufficient to restore peace" (33% in favor). But support had grown slightly since
March 25-26 (when 28% were in favor, 61% opposed). If NATO does commit ground troops, more
now (46% yes, 45% no) than in late March (36% yes, 61% no) agreed that the Bundeswehr
should participate.
Airstrikes. A recent Dimap survey ( Die Welt , April 16) found overall
opinion on airstrikes to be divided, with 49 percent in favor of airstrikes and 44 percent
opposed. But a majority (68%) overall considered the NATO airstrikes to be justified,
according to the Forsa poll, and two in three (64%) supported their country's
participation, consistent with previous findings from late March (62%). Support for German
participation is stronger in western (70%) than in eastern (41%) Germany.
French Support For NATO Actions Remains High
Ground Troops. An IPSOS survey conducted on April 17 showed relatively steady
support for sending ground troops (at 64 percent) (Table 3).
A USIA survey (March 30-April 7) found that the French public distinguished between
sending "NATO ground troops to maintain the peace until a political settlement is
reached" (79% supported, 16% opposed) and sending "NATO ground troops to stop
the fighting between Kosovo Albanians and Serbs" (49% vs. 44%).
Airstrikes. In the April 17 IPSOS poll, 70 percent approved of "NATO's
military intervention." While there was a slight increase in the percentage who
disapproved, overall support remained higher than in polls conducted during the first and
second weeks of airstrikes, including findings from the USIA polls conducted March
30-April 7. Another recent survey, conducted by CSA Opinion (April 16-17), found that 55
percent approved and 33 percent disapproved of NATO airstrikes against Serbia -- an
increase from early April.
Support for French participation in the NATO action has risen in recent weeks,
highlighted in the IPSOS results (73%, up from 59% and 65% in prior two weeks) as well as
CSA's findings (59% steady from 58% and up from 46% in prior weeks).
Land War Opposed, But More Italians Back Airstrikes
Ground Troops. Like several other publics, Italians were more supportive of
using ground forces for peacekeeping than for combat. According to a recent Pragma survey
(April 15-18), the Italian public shifted from a majority in support of sending
ground troops into Kosovo "to stop the fighting between Kosovo Albanians and
Serbs" in late March (53%) to a majority opposed (58% vs. 33%) (Table 5). A majority still supported sending NATO ground troops
"to maintain the peace until a political settlement is reached" (67% support vs.
27% oppose), but the percentage in favor had dropped from the March 26-28 survey (78%
support vs. 17% oppose).
Airstrikes. This same survey showed the Italian public to be evenly divided
between those who supported (45%) and those who opposed (43%) NATO's airstrikes against
Serbia. While support was modest, it represented an increase from a March 26-28 USIA
survey (37% support, 49% oppose).
Since NATO began its bombing campaign, the belief that NATO airstrikes are justified
has more than doubled (62% vs. 27% on March 25 and 40% on March 31), according to an
Ispo/Cra Neilsen survey from April 12. A recent survey by Datamedia ( ANSA ,
April 20) reported that support for airstrikes was higher than during the first two weeks
of the NATO action (42% on April 18 vs. 37% on March 25), but down slightly from a survey
at the end of the second week of airstrikes (49% on April 14).
Spanish Polls Conflict On Public Support For NATO Airstrikes And Ground Troops
Ground Troops. In Spain, too, findings suggest that support is slightly higher
for a protective role for ground forces than for a combative role. A Demoscopia poll in
Spain conducted April 12-14 and published in El Pais (April 18) showed that four
in ten (42%) supported sending ground troops to Kosovo "to protect the
civilian population" if the airstrikes prove to be insufficient (49% oppose). An
earlier El Mundo- Sigma Dos poll (March 30), asked Spaniards "if Milosevic
doesn't accept the conditions for peace despite the bombing, would you agree to having
NATO ground forces take action in Yugoslavia?" and found that only a third
(32%) supported sending ground forces in this case (50% opposed).
Airstrikes. Polls have found varied public reactions to the bombings. Demoscopia
found that a slim majority (55%) agreed with Spanish participation in NATO's recent action
(38% oppose), but the earlier Sigma Dos and Tele 5 polls found that the public was, at
best, closely divided. Six in ten (57%) overall, in the Demoscopia survey, thought that
the current situation in Kosovo justified a foreign intervention (30% disagreed), and a
majority (64%) held Milosevic responsible for the current military conflict (1% Kosovar
Albanians; 3% NATO; 20% "all of them"). Yet, the public was divided on whether
the international community had exhausted all attempts to reach an agreement between the
Serbs and the Kosovar Albanians "in order to avoid the current situation" (43%
yes vs. 41% no). Nearly six in ten (55%) thought the situation could escalate into a
general situation of war.
Refugees. Asked about the refugee situation, Spaniards appear willing to help.
Three-fourths claimed they personally would be willing to contribute financially. Solid
majorities thought Spain should send "all aid that is needed," receive refugees
to its capacity, and demand that refugees should return to their homes once their safety
could be guaranteed.
Of NATO Countries, Greek Public Most Hostile To NATO Action in FRY
Airstrikes. Two polls conducted recently in the Athens metropolitan area found
overwhelming opposition to NATO action against Serbia and the belief that U.S. interests
are driving NATO actions. According to an Institute V-PRC poll published in TA NEA
(April 17, 19 and 20 editions), nearly all (96%) residents of Athens opposed the
airstrikes and half thought that they would "probably not" force Milosevic and
Serbia to retreat (26% thought they probably would; 26% don't know). An ALKO survey also
among Athens residents (published in Eleftheros Typos , April 18), found that
almost everyone (99%) felt that NATO should stop the airstrikes and attempt a political
solution through diplomacy. Further, nine in ten (93%) believed that the airstrikes
represent "an excessive reaction that the U.S imposed without giving a chance to
diplomacy." Five percent believed the airstrikes represent a "necessary evil to
stop Milosevic's policy of ethnic cleansing against Kosovo Albanians."
Greek Government Policy. The Institute V poll further showed that half (51%) in
Athens approved of the way the Simitis government was handling the crisis in Kosovo, while
a third (37%) disapproved. A majority (57%) believed that Greece should not
"accommodate NATO forces ... even if that puts it in a conflicting position towards
its NATO allies." In fact, the ALKO poll showed that six in ten Athens residents
"strongly" disagreed (76% disagreed in total) with the Greek government's
signing off on the NATO decision to continue airstrikes. The Institute V poll showed that
by a two-to-one margin, Athenians thought that Greece should stay in NATO (53%) rather
than leave the alliance (26%; 21% no answer).
Despite their opposition to airstrikes and a favorable view of Milosevic (63%), half
(53%) believed that Milosevic and the Serb government do not respect the human rights of
Kosovars (22% disagreed; 25% didn't know). Nearly equal percentages felt that the best
solution for Kosovo is autonomy (36%) or "to stay under Serbian rule" (36%).
Five percent thought that independence would be the best solution, and 4 percent chose
division of the province between the Serbs and Albanians.
Refugees. Asked about refugees from Kosovo,
slightly more believed that Greece is not "required" to accept and help Albanian
refugees from Kosovo than thought it was required to do so (52% vs. 43% required). But
many said they would personally volunteer to help the refugees (66%), including helping to
collect food and other supplies for the refugees (98%), donating money (86%), and working
in a refugee camp (53%). Fewer (36%) said they would welcome refugees in their own home.
Poles Back NATO Airstrikes, Split On Ground Troops
Ground Troops. The CBOS survey (April 8-13) found that Poles were divided over
the prospect of NATO ground troops in Kosovo. If NATO airstrikes fail to put an end to the
Kosovo conflict, 36 percent of Poles supported sending NATO ground troops, while 40
percent were opposed (Table 6).
Airstrikes. While majorities surveyed by both CBOS and Demoskop thought NATO
military action against Yugoslavia was "right" (Table 6), the Demoskop survey,
conducted after the NATO bombing of an Albanian refugee convoy, found a slight increase in
the percentage opposed to NATO actions "to protect the Kosovo Albanians."
Refugees. Asked about taking in Albanian refugees, seven in ten (68%) thought
that Poland should, while 24 percent disagreed (Demoskop, April 9-12).
Conflicting Data on Support for Kosovo Action, But Hungarian Support For NATO
Membership Rises
Various surveys conducted in Hungary present contradictory signals. Overall, while
Hungarians are supportive of NATO airstrikes and their country's membership in the
alliance, there appears to be greater hesitation about committing ground troops to Kosovo.
Ground Troops. The most recent data, from a SzondaPhone survey of residents of
Budapest and the Serbian border region (April 20), showed that a majority (70%) of these
Hungarians agreed that Hungarian territory should not be used if ground troops
are deployed in Kosovo. Gallup's April 15 survey of Budapest residents found that
opposition to the use of ground troops had risen from 54 percent to 62 percent over the
preceding two weeks. Likewise, a Median survey conducted April 10-11 found that 66 percent
opposed sending ground troops (28% approved).
Airstrikes. In the SzondaPhone survey of Budapest and the Serbian border region
(April 20), 54 percent supported NATO airstrikes, but 63 percent of these urban residents
thought airstrikes should be stopped immediately, and half (51%) supported solving the
crisis by negotiations rather than military strikes. Gallup's April 15 survey of Budapest
residents found slightly lower levels of support for NATO's intervention in Kosovo (52%)
than on March 25 (60%). A Median survey conducted April 10-11 found that 54 percent of all
Hungarians approved of NATO airstrikes.
NATO. Support for Hungarian membership in NATO remained strong during the course
of NATO actions (81% in the Szondaphone results and 66%, up from 54%, in an earlier survey
published in Nepszabadsag on April 16).
Slovaks Oppose NATO Action, But Are Critical Of Milosevic
Airstrikes. A recent survey by IVO (CTK, April 20) reported that 65 percent of
Slovaks said that NATO airstrikes against Yugoslavia are "wrong." Just over
one-quarter say the airstrikes are "right." But the survey also found that an
even greater number (68%) agreed that Milosevic is "responsible for the tragedy of
Kosovo Albanians;" (23% not responsible, 9% no opinion).
NATO. While placing the blame on Milosevic, the Kosovo crisis has apparently not
improved Slovaks' attitudes towards NATO. The state polling agency of the Slovak
Statistical Office conducted a poll on April 14, and found that twice as many (50%)
Slovaks opposed their country joining NATO than did in February 1999. Thirty-nine percent
supported NATO membership and 11 percent were undecided. The increase in opposition might
be explained in part as a reaction against NATO's air campaign in Yugoslavia.
Romanians Continue to Emphasize Neutrality in the Current Kosovo Conflict
According to a poll conducted by CURS (April 15-10), a rising majority (80% from 71%
two weeks earlier) of Romanians believed their country should be neutral in the present
conflict; one in ten thought Romania should support NATO (9%) or the FRY (7%). The poll
also showed that 42 percent considered war in the region the most immediate threat, and 40
percent thought that the proposed Russia-Belarus-FRY union represented a danger for
Romania.
Equal percentages held NATO (36%) and the FRY (39%) primarily responsible for the
current situation in Yugoslavia, while 11 percent blamed the UCK. Asked to name the best
solution to the situation, a large majority (84%) named ceasefire and the resumption of
negotiations. Only 9 percent believed that acceptance of the Rambouillet terms would solve
the conflict and just 1 percent believed that intervention by NATO ground forces would
bring peace.
NATO. The CURS survey results showed that support for Romania's joining NATO
fell sharply (52%, down from 67% in December 1998 and 89% in February 1997). Thirty-four
percent were "ambivalent" about NATO membership and 14 percent said they
"don't know." Half (52%) expected that Romania would not be invited into NATO's
future round of enlargement.
Keen To Ally With The West, Croats Appear Favorable Toward Government's
Relations With NATO
Ground Troops. Although there are questions about the independence of the
Croatian media, survey results published in high circulation newspapers share some of the
anti-Serb and pro-West attitudes also found in past USIA surveys. Poll results from March
28 ( Vecernji List , March 29) showed that nine in ten Croats (90%) supported
NATO action against the FRY (6% opposed). Even as early as the first week of airstrikes,
two-thirds (66%) backed the use of NATO ground troops against the FRY if airstrikes
"turned out to be insufficient to stop the violence and ethnic cleansing" (19%
were opposed). In a Metron survey conducted April 7, 72 percent agreed that NATO ground
forces should intervene in Kosovo (15% disagreed).
NATO. Survey results published in the government-friendly Vecernji List show
a generally supportive view of Croatia's relations with NATO during the Kosovo crisis. The
April 7 Metron survey showed that Croats were positive about their government's policy on
Kosovo (50% good), with another third (32%) saying it is "neither good nor
bad;"one in ten (9%) were opposed to their government's policy of cooperation with
NATO. An earlier Vecernji List survey (March 28) showed that 70 percent agreed
with their government's decision to allow NATO to use Croatian airspace in this action; 18
percent thought the decision was unjustified. If the Serbs were to retaliate for this
cooperation by attacking Croatia, one-half (52%) of Croats agreed that their country
should respond by bombing the FRY; just over one-third (36%) backed non-military protests.
A recent Metron survey (April 19) found that 53 percent of Croats favored allowing NATO
forces to use Croatian territory for ground actions against the FRY (29% opposed, 18%
didn't know) -- although the survey also reports that a plurality (45%) thought that
allowing NATO ground troops through Croatia would not draw Croatia directly into
the conflict (31% said it would, 24% did not know).
Refugees. Croats also appear open to allowing Kosovo Albanian refugees to seek
refuge in their country. The Metron survey found that half (52%) agreed with letting these
refugees enter the country (30% opposed). A recent survey by Centar for Jutarnji List found
that 88 percent agreed that Croatia should provide for refugees from Kosovo.
Russians Say Kosovo Is Not NATO's Problem To Solve
The view that the West is interfering in the internal affairs of a sovereign nation
informs much of Russian opinion which has shifted significantly over the last two years on
this issue. In a VCIOM March 1998 survey, only a quarter of the public (26%) felt
that the plight of the Kosovar Albanians was a matter of concern solely for Yugoslavia,
and about half (46%) thought that it was a concern of the entire world community. This
year (March 27-28, 1999), two-thirds (64%) said it was entirely Yugoslavia's affair, while
one-fifth (22%) said it was a matter for the rest of the world to be concerned about.
Slavic Union. Few Russians supported the idea of a new union joining Russia,
Belarus and Yugoslavia. A poll conducted by the Russian Public Opinion and Market Research
Institute ( Kommersant, April 13) found that one-half believed that "if
Yugoslavia joins this union," the situation in Russia would deteriorate (one-quarter
thought there would be no change, one-eighth thought it would improve). In addition, a
third (35%) thought that this union would hurt Russia's standing in the world (35% either
didn't know or saw it as improving, and 30% saw no change).
Russia And NATO. There are conflicting views of what the situation in Kosovo
means for Russia itself. Two-thirds (63%) in ROMIR's urban phone poll believed that
"NATO and U.S. military interference in the internal affairs of other states, e.g.,
of Russia [italics added], can be expected in the future." A quarter (28%) said
not. In contrast to the apocalyptic pronouncements of President Yeltsin, however, ordinary
Russians tended to view the entire conflict as just another "typical U.S. military
action, like the ones in Iraq or Lebanon" (48%). About equal proportions viewed the
hostilities as "the start of World War III" (15%), "the start of a
Europe-wide military conflict" (13%), or the beginning of a new cold war (14%).
Similarly, the VCIOM poll of April 27-30 showed that more Russians felt that their
relations with NATO would gradually "calm down" and return to the status quo
ante than believed the Kosovo events would lead to an increase in tensions and a
ratchetting up of a new "cold war" (44% to 33%); but a third expressed no
opinion.
Prepared by Janice Bell and Dina Smeltz, R/EU, and Steve Grant, R/RUC
(202-619-4490; reu@usia.gov); Issued by the Office of Research and Media Reaction, USIA.
This report is based on domestic (non-USIA) media and polling sources. Some of these
findings should be interpreted with caution, and as merely indicative of public sentiment
due to a lack of detailed information about methodology, timing and question wording.