The violence in East Timor on April 17 was sparked by a rally of
an estimated 3,000 pro-Indonesia militia members on the grounds of
the East Timor governor's office in the capital, Dili. The rally
was attended by the governor, Abilio Soares, senior military
officers, and the district heads of East Timor's thirteen
districts. Eleven of these districts have their own civilian
militia ostensibly established to defend communities against
guerrilla attacks but in fact to fight individuals and
organizations supportive of independence. Some are of long
standing, dating back to the 1970s, while others were only formed
after the Habibie government's January 27, 1999 announcement that
if the East Timorese people rejected the government's offer of
autonomy, the government would consider the "second
option" of independence.
The most notorious of the new militias are Besi Merah Putih
(Iron Rod for the Red-and-White), the militia responsible for the
carnage in Liquica, East Timor, on April 5 and 6 in which dozens
of people, many of them displaced people fleeing from violence,
were killed in a church compound; Mahidi (an acronym for Live or
Die for Integration with Indonesia), a militia formed in late
1998, which operates around Ainaro and Suai; and Aitarak, which
operates in Dili.
The older militias include Halilintar (Thunderbolt), operating
in Bobonaro district, and Saka, a paramilitary group operating in
the Baucau area since 1983. Halilintar is the oldest of the
pro-government militias, dating back at least to 1977. It was
dissolved in the 1980s, only to be resurrected in 1995 by a man
named Joao Tavares, whose men have frequently joined Indonesian
troops in counterinsurgency operations in the area around Atabai,
Maliana, Cailaco, and Balibo.
Eurico Gutteres and his militia, Aitarak
The man who reportedly organized the rally and who has repeatedly
issued threats against organizations perceived as supporting
independence was Eurico Gutteres. Gutteres has been a leading
figure in Gardapaksi (Youth Guard for Upholding Integration), an
organization formed in July 1995, supposedly for training
unemployed East Timorese youth in occupations such as
furniture-making and automobile repair but in fact to counter
pro-independence youth groups. Gardapaksi members were reported to
receive military training and non-lethal equipment from the
Indonesian army special forces, Kopassus, and included youths who
had been arrested for pro-independence activities who were
subsequently released on the condition that they become
informers.
Gutteres now heads the Dili-based militia called Aitarak,
formed after the Habibie government's announcement of the
"second option." Two days after that announcement, on
January 29, Gutteres was involved in an incident in Dili in which
he and other pro-Indonesia forces meeting inside the Hotel Mahkota
fired on pro-independence youths who had reportedly tossed a
grenade at the hotel. Gutteres then proceeded to drive a van full
of weapons to the house of Manuel Carrascalao, the target of last
Saturday's attack, and threaten independence supporters who had
sought refuge at his house. No action was taken at the time to
disarm him or even to discourage him from making threats.
On February 20, Gutteres and Tavares were leading speakers at a
rally in Balibo, East Timor, where they vowed to fight a civil war
if East Timor moved toward independence. A reporter from The
Age, in Melbourne, Australia, reported that some of the youths
attending the rally reported being paid by local military and
civilian officials.
On February 25, Gutteres was one of two militia leaders who
sent a threatening letter to Australian Foreign Minister Alexander
Downer, warning that pro-integration paramilitary groups would
willingingly "sacrifice" Australian journalists and
diplomats to "save" East Timor. The letter, and Downer's
reaction, were widely covered in the Indonesian and international
press. An Agence France Presse release noted that the letter was
faxed from a hotel in Jakarta where Gutteres and the other militia
leader were meeting with President Habibie.(1)
Throughout March and April, the threats by Gutteres and other
militia leaders increased against pro-independence groups as well
as Dili-based human rights organizations and journalists
associated with the Dili newspaper, Voice of East Timor.
(The newspaper's office were sacked by militia members after the
rally on April 17, with much of its equipment destroyed.)
Militia activity increased after Xanana Gusmao, the guerrilla
leader and likely president of an independent East Timor who is
under house arrest in Jakarta, issued a statement on April 5
calling on Falintil, the East Timorese guerrilla army, to take all
steps necessary to defend the people of East Timor against
"the unprovoked and murderous attacks of armed civilians and
ABRI [the Indonesian military]." The statement was widely
interpreted as an order to the rebels to resume the guerrilla war
against the Indonesian army and only increased the bellicosity of
the militia groups.
As noted, the Besi Merah Putih militia attacked a church in
Liquica the next day, on April 6, killing dozens, although the
Indonesian military has only acknowledged a death toll of five. A
clash between Falintil and Indonesian security forces reportedly
took place in Ermera on April 5, followed by further clashes there
on April 10 in which a pro-independence member of the district
council was shot and killed.
On April 13, four days before the militia rally in Dili that
ended in armed attacks on pro-independence groups, Eurico Gutteres,
citing Xanana's "declaration of war," issued an appeal
to "ordinary people" to join the defenders of
integration in order to "wipe out the disturbers of
integration right down to their roots." The appeal called for
the resignation of all civil servants who were less than fully
supportive of the pro-integration government they worked for.
Gutteres signed himself "War Commander of the Pro-Integration
Forces, Sector B Commander."
The Ainaro militia, Mahidi
Also seen written as Mahidin, this militia has the
support of Indonesian ambassador-at-large Francisco Lopes da Cruz
and has terrorized the civilian population around Ainaro district.(2)
In late 1998, according to Yayasan HAK, a local human rights
organization, pro-government youths were summoned by the district
military command in Ainaro and requested to form the basis of an
unarmed civilian militia that would help provide security in the
run-up to the June 1999 parliamentary elections, in line with a
national directive. Because local arrangements for this national
militia were not yet finalized, however, the youths in question
joined together in Ainaro town to form Mahidi, ostensibly to
defend the district from guerrilla attacks. They were led by
Cancio Lopes de Carvalho, the man who co-signed the letter
threatening Australian diplomats and journalists. According to
Yayasan HAK, they set out to recruit youths and other people from
every village in Ainaro district, with a security post to be
established in each village. Tension with local independence
supporters increased as a result, and on January 3, Mahidi members
shot two students in the village of Manutasi, Ainaro, after a
peacemaking effort the students had initiated went badly awry. In
the latter part of January, the militia was reported to be working
with the subdistrict military command in operations in Zumalai,
Covalima district. By April 1998, press reports estimated that
Mahidi had 2,000 active members and 500 firearms; a local human
rights organization estimated membership at 1,000 and thirty-seven
firearms.(3) It held a
pro-integration rally in Zumalai on April 11 attended by top
military and civilian officials of the district. Eurico Gutteres
and Joao Tavares, militia leaders from Dili and Ainaro
respectively, were also present. One delegation of about 500
people were reportedly fired on with arrows and bullets as they
set out to attend the rally, apparently by Falintil.
The Liquica militia, Besi Merah Putih
The Besi Merah Putih militia appears to have been organized in
late 1998 as a self-defense force against possible Falintil
attacks. Initially armed with only arrows and spears, it claimed
by early February to have a membership of 2,890 people and was
going on joint patrols with the Battalion 143 of the Indonesian
army.(4) One of its founders,
Joaquim dos Santos, denied receiving any aid or equipment from the
army but did acknowledge regular "consultation" with
Battalion 143.(5) Besi Merah Putih
has been responsible for dozens of incidents in the Liquica area,
culminating in the attacks on April 5 and 6 that left dozens dead
and the April 11 attack on the convoy of Nobel Peace Prize winner
Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo. Eyewitness accounts from both attacks
indicate that troops from the Liquica district and Maubara
subdistrict military commands were present at the time of the
militia attacks and far from trying to prevent violence, provided
active support to their operations. Besi Merah Putih was one of
the militias involved in the attack on Manuel Carrascalao's house
on April 17.
Other militias
Other militias are also linked directly to civilian and military
authority structures. The militia in Lautem district in eastern
East Timor is called Tim Alfa and is led directly by the district
head, Edmundo da Conceicao. Almost all of its 300 members are
armed. The Saka militia in Baucau is led by Sgt. Joanico da Costa
of the army special forces, Kopassus, and most of its members
worked as guides or logistical support for the army; da Costa was
reportedly involved in the capture of Xanana Gusmao in 1992.(6)
Other militias include Makikit, in Viqueque; ABLAI (an acronym for
"I Will Fight to Preserve the Mandate for Integration")
in Manufahi; AHI (an acronym for "I Will Uphold
Integration") in Ailiu; Naga Merah in Ermera, and
Laksaur in Covalima. All of the groups are coordinated under a
central front organization called Forum Persatuan Demokrasi dan
Keadilan, or the Forum for the Association of Democracy and
Justice, led by the district head of Dili, Domingos Soares.
A credible local newspaper, the Jawa Pos, reports
membership in the militias as follows (Human Rights Watch has not
independently verified these numbers):(7)
Militia |
Membership |
Arms |
Saka |
970 |
250 |
Tim Alfa |
300 |
300 |
Makikit |
200 |
100 |
ABLAI |
100 |
70 |
AHI |
N.A. |
N.A. |
Halilintar |
800 |
400 |
Aitarak |
1,000 |
100+ |
Mahidi |
2,000 |
500 |
Laksaur |
500 |
100 |
Naga Merah |
N.A. |
N.A. |
Besi Merah Putih |
2,000 |
N.A. |
Footnotes
1. "Pro-Indonesian E Timorese militia
threat to kill Australians," Agence France Presse, February
25, 1999.
2. "Dikhawatirkan Terjadi Perang
Saudara di Timtim," Republika, (Jakarta) January 29,
1999.
3. "Ada M-16 hingga Mouser di
Prointegrasi," Jawa Pos, (Surabaya) April 12, 1999,
and Yayasan HAK, "Teror, Lekerasan dan Intimidasi,""
Laporan situasi Hak Azsi Manusia di Timor Timor Periode
Januari-Maret 1999," April 1999.
4. "Kami siap mati di bawah merah putih,"
Suara Timor Timur (Dili), February 6, 1999.
5. Ibid.
6. "Ada M-16 hingga Mouser di
Prointegrasi," Jawa Pos, April 12, 1999.
7. Ibid. |