Source: http://www.nizkor.org Accessed 18 October 1999 Judgment in the Trial of Adolf Eichmann [Part 3] 25. On the other hand, in the
Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of Genocide, Member States
of the United Nations did not reach quite so far-reaching an agreement,
but contented themselves with the determination of territorial
jurisdiction as a compulsory minimum.
It is the consensus of opinion that the absence from this
Convention of a provision establishing the principle of universality
(and, with that, the failure to constitute an international criminal
tribunal) is a grave defect in the Convention which is likely to weaken
the joint efforts for the prevention of the commission of this abhorrent
crime and the punishment of its perpetrators, but there is nothing in
this defect to make us deduce any tendency against the principle of the
universality of jurisdiction with respect to the crime in question.
It is clear that the reference in Article 6 to territorial
jurisdiction, apart from the jurisdiction of the non-existent
international tribunal, is not exhaustive, and every sovereign state may
exercise its existing powers within the limits of customary
international law, and there is nothing in the adherence of a state to
the Convention to waive powers which are not mentioned in Article 6.
It is in conformity with this view that the Law for the
Prevention and Punishment of Genocide, 5710-1950, provided in section 5
that "any person who committed an act outside of Israel which is an
offence under this law may be tried and punished in Israel as though he
committed the act inside Israel." This Law does not apply with
retroactive effect and does not therefore pertain to the offences dealt
with in this case. Our view
as to the universality of jurisdiction is not based on this Law or on
this interpretation of Article 6 of the Convention, but derives from the
basic nature of the crime of genocide as a crime of utmost gravity under
international law. The significance and relevance of the Convention to this case
lies in the confirmation of the international nature of the crime, a
confirmation which was unanimously given by the United Nations Assembly
and which was adhered to, among other peoples, by the German people as
well (in 1954 the German Federal Republic adhered to the Convention and
enacted a law - BGBL II, 729 - which gave effect to the Convention in
Germany and added to the German criminal law article 220A against
genocide - Voelkermord - a crime defined according to Article 2 of the
Convention). The
"crime against the Jewish People" under section 1 of the
Israeli Law constitutes a crime of "genocide" within the
meaning of Article 2 of the Convention, and inasmuch as it is a crime
under the law of nations, Israel's legislative authority and judicial
jurisdiction in this matter is based upon the law of nations. 26. As to the crimes defined in
Article 6 of the Charter of the International Military Tribunal, that
Tribunal said in its judgment on "the principal war criminals"
(IMT, Vol. 1, p. 218) inter alia : "The
Charter is not an arbitrary exercise of power on the part of the
victorious nations, but in the view of the Tribunal, as will be shown,
it is the expression of international law existing at the time of its
creation, and to that extent is itself a contribution to international
law." As regards the crimes defined in
Control Council Law No. 10, which was taken as a basis, among other
cases, for twelve important cases tried by the United States Military
Tribunals in Nuremberg, it was stated in the judgment passed on the
"Jurists" ("Justice Case," Trials of War Criminals,
Vol. III, 954 ff (p. 968) that: "The
IMT Charter, the IMT Judgment, and Control Council Law 10 are merely
`great new cases in the book of international law.'
...Surely C.C. Law 10, which was enacted by the authorized
representatives of the four greatest powers on earth, is entitled to
judicial respect when it states: `Each of the following acts is
recognized as a crime.' Surely
the requisite international approval and acquiescence is established
when 23 states, including all of the great powers, have approved the
London Agreement and the IMT Charter, without dissent from any state.
Surely the IMT Charter must be deemed declaratory of the
principles of international law, in view of its recognition as such by
the General Assembly of the United Nations." The judgment then proceeds to
quote the resolution which was unanimously adopted on 11 December 1946
by the United Nations Assembly that: "The
General Assembly...affirms the principles of international law
recognized by the Charter of the Nuernberg Tribunal and the judgment of
the Tribunal." Further on, the judgment draws a
distinction between the substantive principles of international law
which lay down that "war crimes" and "crimes against
humanity" are crimes whenever and wherever they were committed, and
the actual enforcement of these universal principles which may come up
against barriers of national sovereignty: "We
are empowered to determine the guilt or innocence of persons accused of
acts described as "war crimes" and "crimes against
humanity" under rules of international law.
At this point, in connection with cherished doctrines of national
sovereignty, it is important to distinguish between the rules of common
international law which are of universal and superior authority on the
one hand, and the provisions for enforcement of those rules which are by
no means universal on the other...
As to the punishment of persons guilty of violating the laws and
customs of war (war crimes in the narrow sense), it has always been
recognized that tribunals may be established and punishment imposed by
the state into whose hands the perpetrators fall. These rules of international law were recognized as
paramount, and jurisdiction to enforce them by the injured belligerent
government, whether within the territorial boundaries of the state or in
occupied territory, has been unquestioned.
(Ex parte Quirin, 317 U.S. 1; In re: Yamashita, 327 U.S. 1, 90 L
Ed.) However, enforcement of international law has been
traditionally subject to practical limitation.
Within the territorial boundaries of a state having a recognized,
functioning government presently in the exercise of sovereign power
throughout its territory, a violator of the rules of international law
could be punished only by the authority of the officials of that state. The law is universal, but such a state reserves unto itself
the exclusive power within its boundaries to apply or withhold
sanctions... Applying these
principles, it appears that the power to punish violators of
international law in Germany is not solely dependent on the enactment of
rules of substantive penal law applicable only in Germany... Only by
giving consideration to the extraordinary and temporary situation in
Germany can the procedure here be harmonized with established principles
of national sovereignty. In
Germany an international body (the Control Council) has assumed and
exercised the power to establish judicial machinery for the punishment
of those who have violated the rules of the common international law, a
power which no international authority without consent could assume or
exercise within a state having a national government presently in the
exercise of its sovereign powers." It is clear from these
pronouncements that the contention that the Nuremberg International
Military Tribunal and the tribunals which were established in Germany by
virtue of the Control Council Law No. 10 derive their jurisdiction from
the capitulation and lack of sovereignty of Germany at that time, is
true only with respect to the direct exercise of criminal territorial
jurisdiction in Germany, such as was exercised by the above-mentioned
tribunals, but it has adopted for itself substantive rules of universal
validity in the law under discussion, the rules of international law on
the subject of "war crimes" and "crimes against
humanity". The
judgment proceeds to say (p. 983): "Whether
the crime against humanity is the product of statute or of common
international law, or, as we believe, of both, we find no injustice to
persons tried for such crimes. They
are chargeable with knowledge that such acts were wrong and were
punishable when committed." It is hardly necessary to add
that the "crime against the Jewish People," which constitutes
the crime of "genocide" is nothing but the gravest type of
"crime against humanity" (and all the more so because both
under Israeli law and under the Convention a special intention is
requisite for its commission of a "crime against humanity").
Therefore, all that has been said in the Nuremberg principles on
the "crime against humanity" applies a fortiori to the
"crime against the Jewish People."
If authority is needed for this, we find it in the same judgment,
which says: "As
the prime illustration of a crime against humanity under C.C. Law 10,
which by reason of its magnitude and its international repercussions has
been recognized as a violation of common international law, we cite
`genocide'..." It is not necessary to
recapitulate in Jerusalem, fifteen years after Nuremberg, the grounds
for the legal rule on the "crime against humanity," for these
terms are written in blood, in the torrents of the blood of the Jewish
People which was shed. "That
law," said Aroneanu in 1948, "was born in the crematoria, and
woe to him who will try to stifle it" (Cette loi est nee dans les
fours crematoires; et malheur a celui qui tenterait de l'etouffer). (Quoted by Boissarie in his
introduction to Eugene Aroneanu, Le Crime contre l'Humanite, 1961.) The judgment against the
"Operations Units" of 10 April 1948 (Einsatzgruppen Case), TWC
IV, 411 ff. (p. 498) says on the same subject: "Although
the Nuernberg trials represent the first time that international
tribunals have adjudicated crimes against humanity as an international
offence, this does not, as already indicated, mean that a new offence
has been added to the list of transgressions of man.
Nuernberg has only demonstrated how humanity can be defended in
court, and it is inconceivable that with this precedent extant, the law
of humanity should ever lack for a tribunal. Where law exists a court will
rise. Thus, the court of
humanity, if it may be so termed, will never adjourn." 27. We have already dealt with the `principle of legality' that postulates "nullum crimen sine lege, nulla poena sine lege," and what has been stated above with respect to the municipal law is also applicable to international law. In the judgment against the "Major War Criminals" it is stated (p. 219): "In the first place, it is
to be observed that the maxim nullum crimen sine lege is not a
limitation of sovereignty, but it is in general a principle of
justice." That is to say, the penal
jurisdiction of a state with respect to crimes committed by `foreign
offenders,' insofar as it does not conflict on other grounds with the
principles of international law, is not limited by the prohibition of
retroactive effect. It is
indeed difficult to find a more convincing instance of just retroactive
legislation than the legislation providing for the punishment of war
criminals and criminals against humanity and against the Jewish People,
and all the reasons justifying the Nuremberg judgments justify eo ipse
the retroactive legislation of the Israel legislator.
We have already referred to the decisive ground of the existence
of a `criminal intent' (mens rea), and this ground recurs in all the
Nuremberg judgments. The
Accused in this case is charged with the implementation of the plan for
the "Final Solution of the Jewish Question."
Can anyone in his right mind doubt the absolute criminality of
such acts? As stated in the judgment in the case of "Operations
Units" (p. 459): "...There
is (not) any taint of ex-post-facto-ism in the law of murder." The Netherlands Law of 10 July
1947 which amends the preceding law (of 22 October 1943) may serve as an
example of municipal retroactive legislation, in that it added Article
27(A) which provides: "He
who during the time of the present war and while in the forces of
service of the enemy state is guilty of a war crime or any crime against
humanity as defined in Art. 6 under (b) or (c) of the Charter belonging
to the London Agreement of 8th August, 1945...shall, if such crime
contains at the same time the elements of an act punishable according to
Netherlands law, receive the punishment laid down for such act." On the strength of such
retroactive adoption of the definition of crimes according to the
Nuremberg Charter, the Higher S.S. and Police Leader in Holland, Rauter,
was sentenced to death by a Special Tribunal, and his appeal was
dismissed by the Special Court of Cassation (see LRTWC XIV pp. 89 ff).
The double contention nullum crimen, nulla poena sine lege was
dismissed by the Court of Cassation on the grounds that the Netherlands
legislator had abrogated this rule (which is expressly laid down in sec.
1 of the Netherlands Criminal Law) with respect to crimes of this kind,
and that indeed that rule was not adequate for these crimes.
On p. 120 (ibid.) it is stated: "From
what appears above, it follows that neither Art. 27(A) of the
Extraordinary Penal Law Decree nor Art. 6 of the Charter of London to
which the said Netherlands provision of law refers, had, as the result
of an altered conception with regard to the unlawfulness thereof,
declared after the event to be a crime an act thus far
permitted;...these provisions have only further defined the jurisdiction
as well as the limits of penal liability and the imposition of
punishment in respect of acts which already before (their commission)
were not permitted by international law and were regarded as
crimes..." "Insofar
as the appellant considers punishment unlawful because his actions,
although illegal and criminal, lacked a legal sanction provided against
them precisely outlined and previously prescribed, his objection also
failed. "The
principle that no act is punishable except in virtue of a legal penal
provision which had preceded it, has as its object the creation of a
guarantee of legal security and individual liberty, which legal
interests would be endangered if acts about which doubts could exist as
to their deserving punishment were to be considered punishable after the
event. "This
principle, however, bears no absolute character, in the sense that its
operation may be affected by that of other principles with the
recognition of which equally important interests of justice are
concerned. "These
latter interests do not tolerate that extremely serious violations of
the generally accepted principles of international law, the
criminal...character of which was already established beyond doubt at
the time they were committed, should not be considered punishable on the
sole ground that a previous threat of punishment was lacking.
It is for this reason that neither the London Charter of 1945 nor
the judgment of the International Military Tribunal (at Nuremberg) in
the case of the Major German War Criminals have accepted this plea which
is contrary to the international concept of justice, and which has since
been also rejected by the Netherlands legislator, as appears from Art.
27(A) of the Extraordinary Penal Law Decree." The courts in Germany, too, have
rejected the contention that the crimes of the Nazis were not prohibited
at the time, and that their perpetrators did not have the requisite
criminal intent. It is
stated in the judgment of the Supreme Federal Tribunal 1 St/R 563/51
that the expulsions of the Jews, the object of which was the death of
the deportees, were a continuous crime committed by the principal
planners and executants, something of which all other executants should
have been conscious, for it cannot be admitted that they were not aware
of the basic principles on which human society is based, and which are
the common legacy of all civilized nations. See also BGH 1 St.R 404/60 (NJW
1961, 276), a judgment of 6 December 1960 which deals with the murder of
mentally deranged persons on Hitler's orders.
The judgment says inter alia
(pp. 277, 278) that in 1940, at the latest, it was clear to any
person who was not too naive, certainly to anyone who was part of the
leadership machinery, that the Nazi regime did not refrain from the
commission of crimes, and anyone taking part in these crimes could not
contend that he had mistakenly assumed that a forbidden act was
permissible, seeing that these crimes violated basic principles of the
rule of law. The Hebrew rule, "No one
may be punished unless he has been forewarned," which corresponds
to the principle of legality according to the Roman rule, hints at the
importance of warning that a certain action is prohibited.
During the World War, Allied governments gave the Nazi criminals
recurrent warnings that they would be punished, but these were of no
avail. Henry Stimson was
right when he said, as cited in the judgment on "The Jurists"
(p. 976): "It
was the Nazi confidence that we would never chase and catch them, and
not a misunderstanding of our opinion of them, that led them to commit
their crimes. Our offence
was thus that of the man who passed by on the other side.
That we have finally recognized our negligence and named the
criminals for what they are is a piece of righteousness too long delayed
by fear." 28. Learned Counsel seeks to
negate the jurisdiction of the state by contending that the crimes
attributed to the Accused in Counts 1-12 had been committed, according
to the indictment itself, in the course of duty, and constitute `Acts of
State,' acts for which according to his contention, only the German
state is responsible. In
this contention Counsel bases himself mainly on the theory of Kelsen, as
explained in his works: "Collective
and Individual Responsibility in International Law with Particular
Regard to the Punishment of War Criminals" (1943), 33 California
Law Review 530 ff; Peace
through Law (1944) p. 71 ff; Principles
of International Law (1952), p. 235 ff. Learned Counsel basis himself on
the rule par in parem non habet imperium - that is to say, a sovereign
state does not exercise dominion over, and does not sit in judgment
against, another sovereign state - and deduces therefrom that a state
may not try a person for a criminal act that constitutes an `act of
state' of another state, without the consent of such other state to that
person's trial. In the view
of Kelsen, only the state in whose behalf the `organ' (ruler or
official) had acted is responsible for the violation, through such act,
of international law, while the perpetrator himself is not responsible
(with the two exceptions of espionage and war treason). The theory of `act of state' was
repudiated by the International Military Tribunal at Nuremberg, when it
said (pp. 222-223): "It
was submitted that international law is concerned with the actions of
sovereign states, and provides no punishment for individuals; and
further, that where the act in question is an act of state, those who
carry it out are not personally responsible, but are protected by the
doctrine of the sovereignty of the state.
In the opinion of the Tribunal, both these submissions must be
rejected. That
international law imposes duties and liabilities upon individuals as
well as upon states has long been recognized. In the recent case of Ex Parte Quirin (1942), 317 U.S. 1,
before the Supreme Court of the United States, persons were charged
during the war with landing in the United States for purposes of spying
and sabotage. The late
Chief Justice Stone, speaking for the court, said: "`From
the very beginning of its history, this court has applied the law of war
as including that part of the law of nations which prescribes for the
conduct of war, the status, rights, and duties of enemy nations as well
as enemy individuals.' "He
went on to give a list of cases tried by the courts, where individual
offenders were charged with offences against the laws of nations, and
particularly the laws of war. Many
other authorities could be cited, but enough has been said to show that
individuals can be punished for violations of international law.
Crimes against international law are committed by men, not by
abstract entities, and only by punishing individuals who commit such
crimes can the provisions of international law be enforced... The
principle of international law which, under certain circumstances,
protects the representatives of a state, cannot be applied to acts which
are condemned as criminal by international law.
The authors of these acts cannot shelter themselves behind their
official position in order to be freed from punishment in appropriate
proceedings. Article 7 of
the Charter expressly declares: "'The
official position of defendants, whether as heads of states, or
responsible officials in government departments, shall not be considered
as freeing them from responsibility, or mitigating punishment.' "On
the other hand, the very essence of the Charter is that individuals have
international duties which transcend the national obligations of
obedience imposed by the individual state.
He who violates the laws of war cannot obtain immunity while
acting in pursuance of the authority of the state, if the state, in
authorizing action, moves outside its competence under international
law." It is clear from the context
that the last sentence was not meant, as Counsel contends, to limit the
rule of the "violation of the laws of war" alone. The court expressly said, as quoted above, that "the
principle of international law which under certain circumstances
protects the representatives of a state, cannot be applied to acts which
are condemned as criminal by international law." Indeed, the theory of Kelsen and
his disciples (See Defence Counsel's written submissions, Vol. I, pp.
532-539), and also the `limited' theories referred to by Learned Counsel
(ibid.) are inadmissible. The
precedents adduced as authorities for this theory, e.g., Schooner
Exchange v. McFaddon (1812) 7 Cranch 116, the memorandum of the American
Secretary of State on the subject of the "Caroline," i.e.,
People v. McLeod (See Moore, Digest of International Law II, paragraph
175), and other precedents, do not fit the realities in Nazi Germany.
A state that plans and implements a "Final Solution"
cannot be treated as par in parem, but only as a gang of criminals.
In the judgment on "The Jurists," it is said (p. 984): "The
very essence of the prosecution case is that the laws, the Hitlerian
decrees and the Draconic, corrupt and perverted Nazi judicial system
themselves constituted the substance of war crimes and crimes against
humanity, and that participating in the enactment and enforcement of
them amounts to complicity in crime.
We have pointed out that governmental participation is a material
element of the crime against humanity.
Only when official organs of sovereignty participated in
atrocities and persecutions did those crimes assume international
proportions. It can
scarcely be said that
governmental participation, the proof of which is necessary for
conviction, can also be a defence in the charge." Drost says in his The Crime of
State (Humanicide), pp. 310-311 (under the caption - "State Crime
as Act of State"): "Any
state officer irrespective of his rank or function would necessarily go
unpunished if his acts of state were considered internationally as the
sovereign acts of a legal person. The
person who really acted on behalf of the state would be twice removed
from penal justice, since the entity whom he represented, by its very
nature would be doubly immune from punishment, once physically and once
legally. The natural person
escapes scot-free between the legal loopholes of state personality and
state sovereignty. But
then, this reasoning in respect of these too much laboured juristic
conceptions should not be carried into the province of penal law." "Immunity
for acts of state constitutes the negation of international criminal law
which indeed derives the necessity of its existence exactly from the
very fact that acts of state often have a criminal character for which
the morally responsible officer of state should be made penally
liable." The contention of Learned
Counsel that it is not the Accused but the state on whose behalf he had
acted that is responsible for his criminal acts, is only true in its
second part. It is true
that under international law Germany bears not only moral, but also
legal, responsibility for all the crimes that were committed as its own
`Acts of State,' including the crimes attributed to the Accused.
But that responsibility does not detract one iota from the
personal responsibility of the Accused for his acts.
See Oppenheim-Lauterpacht, paragraph 156 b: "The
responsibility of states is not limited to restitution or to damages of
a penal character. The
state, and those acting on its behalf, bear criminal responsibility for
such violations of international law as by reason of their gravity,
their ruthlessness, and their contempt for human life place them within
the category of criminal acts as generally understood in the law of
civilized countries. Thus
if the government of a state were to order the wholesale massacre of
aliens resident within its territory, the responsibility of the state
and of the individuals responsible for the ordering and the execution of
the outrage would be of a criminal character." "...It
is impossible to admit that individuals, by grouping themselves into
states and thus increasing immeasurably their potentialities for evil,
can confer upon themselves a degree of immunity from criminal liability
and its consequences which they do not enjoy when acting in isolation. Moreover, the extreme drastic consequences of criminal
responsibility of states are capable of modification in the sense that
such responsibility is additional to, and not exclusive of, the
international criminal liability of the individuals guilty of crimes
committed in violation of International Law." See also ibid., paragraph 153a
(p. 341): "...No
innovation was implied in the Charter annexed to the Agreement of August
8, 1945, for the punishment of the Major War Criminals of the European
Axis inasmuch as it decreed individual responsibility for war crimes
proper and for what it described as crimes against humanity.
For the laws of humanity which are not dependent upon positive
enactment, are binding, by their very nature, upon human beings as
such." The repudiation of the
contention as to an `Act of State' is one of the principles of
international law that were acknowledged by the Charter and Judgment of
the Nuremberg Tribunal, and were unanimously affirmed by the United
Nations Assembly in its Resolution of 11 December 1946.
In the formulation (on the directions of the Assembly in its
Resolution No. II 177) by the International Law Commission of the United
Nations, of these acknowledged principles, this principle appears as
Principle No. 3: "The
fact that a person who committed an act which constitutes a crime under
international law acted as Head of State or responsible government
official does not relieve him from responsibility under international
law." In Resolution No. 96(i) of 11
December 1946, too, in which the UN Assembly unanimously affirmed that
`genocide' is a `crime under international law,' it is stated that
"principal offenders and associates, whether private individuals,
public officials or
statesmen" must be punished
for the commission of this crime, while the Convention for the
Prevention and Punishment of Genocide expressly provides in Art 4: "Persons
committing genocide or any of the other acts enumerated in Art 3 shall
be punished whether they are constitutionally responsible rulers or
private individuals." This article affirms a principle
acknowledged by all civilized nations, in the words of the International
Court of Justice in its Advisory Opinion referred to, and inasmuch as
Germany, too, has adhered to this Convention, it is possible that even
according to Kelsen, who requires an international Convention or the
consent of the state concerned, there is no longer any ground for
pleading an `Act of State.' But the rejection of this plea does not
depend on the affirmation of this principle by Germany, for the plea had
already been invalidated by the law of nations. For these reasons we dismiss the contention as to `Act of State.' |
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