[Note: The characters in brackets, eg,
(2233-N-PS) refer to the official document numbers included in the series Nazi Conspiracy
and Aggression. A listing of legal references and documents relating to the Gestapo
and SD appears on pages 302-316. .For information on the referencing of Internet sources
see Chapter 4 of S D Stein Learning, Teaching and Researching on the Internet.
Addison Wesley Longman 1999, published November 1998]
(1) The GESTAPO and SD carried out mass murders of
hundreds of thousands of civilians of occupied countries as a part of the Nazi
program to exterminate political and racial undesirables (" Einsatz Groups").
About four weeks before the attack on Russia, special task forces of the SIPO and SD,
called Einsatzgruppen or Special Task Groups, were formed on order of Himmler for
the purpose of following the German armies into Russia, combatting partisans and members
of resistance groups and exterminating the Jews and Communist leaders. In the beginning
four Einsatz Groups were formed. Einsatz Group A, operating in the Baltic
States, was placed under the command of Stahlecker, former Inspector of the SIPO and SD. Einsatz
Group B, operating toward Moscow, was placed under the command of Nebe, the Chief of Amt
V (KRIPO) of the RSHA. Einsatz Group C, operating toward Kiev, was placed under the
command of Rasch and later of Thomas, former Chief of the SIPO and SD in Paris. Einsatz
Group D, operating in the south of Russia, was placed under the command of Ohlendorf,
the Chief of Amt III (SD) of the RSHA.
The Einsatz Groups were officered by personnel of the GESTAPO, the SD and the
KRIPO. The men were drawn from the Order Police and the Waffen SS. The groups had
complements of 400 to 500 men, and had their own vehicles and equipment. By agreement with
the OKW and OKH, the Einsatzkommandos were attached to certain Army corps or
divisions. The Army assigned the area in which the Einsatzkommandos were to
operate, but all operational directives and orders for the carrying out of executions were
given through the RSHA in Berlin. Regular courier service and radio communications existed
between the Einsatz Groups and the RSHA. The affidavit of Ohlendorf, Chief of the
SD, who led Einsatz Group D, reads in part as follows:
"When the German Army invaded Russia, I was leader of Einsatzgruppe D in
the southern sector, and in the course of the year during which I was leader of the Einsatzgruppe
D, it liquidated approximately 90,000 men, women and children. The majority of those
liquidated were Jews, but there were also among them some Communist functionaries.
"In the execution of this extermination program the Einsatzgruppen were
subdivided into Einsatzkommandos, and the Einsatzkommandos into still
smaller units, the socalled Sonderkommando and Teilkommandos. Usually the
smaller units were led by a member of the SD, the GESTAPO or the KRIPO. The unit selected
for this task would enter a village or city and order the prominent Jewish citizens to
call together all Jews for the purpose of resettlement. They were asked to hand over their
personal belongings to the leaders of the unit, and shortly before the execution, to
surrender their outer clothing. The men, women and children were led to a place of
execution which usually was located beside a deepened anti-tank ditch. Then they were
shot, kneeling or standing, and the corpses were thrown into the ditch. I never permitted
the l shooting by individuals in Group D, but ordered that several of the men should shoot
at the same time in order to avoid direct personal responsibility. The leaders of the
unit, or especially designated persons, however, had to fire the last shot against those
victims who were not dead immediately. I learned from conversations with other group
leaders that some of them asked the victims to lie down flat on the ground to be shot
through the neck. I did not approve of these methods." (2620-PS)
The contention that these murders were carried out by subterfuge and
without force and terror is belied by the eyewitness account of two such mass murders
witnessed by Hermann Graebe, who was manager and engineer in charge of the branch office
of the Solingen firm of Josef Jung in Sdolbunow, Ukraine, from September 1941 until
January 1944. Graebe's interest in the mass executions derived from the fact that in
addition to Poles, Germans, and Ukrainians, he employed Jews on the various construction
projects under his supervision. He was personally acquainted with the leader of the SIPO
and SD who carried out the actions hereinafter described with the aid of SS-men (most of
whom wore the SD armband) and Ukrainian militia. Graebe negotiated with SS-major Putz, the
leader of the SIPO and SD, for the release of about 100 Jewish workers from the action
which took place in Rowno on 13 July 1942. The original letter which exempted these Jewish
workers from the action is attached to Graebe's affidavit, which states in part as
follows:
"In the evening of this day I drove to Rowno and posted my-self with Fritz
Einsporn in front of the house in the Bahnhofstrasse in which the Jewish workers of my
firm slept. Shortly after 22.00 the ghetto was encircled by a large SS detachment and
again about three times as many members of the Ukrainian militia. Then the electric
floodlights which had been erected all around the ghetto were switched on. SS and militia
details of 4 to 6 members entered or at least tried to enter the houses. Where the doors
and windows were closed and the inhabitants did not open upon the knocking, the SS men and
militia broke the windows, forced the doors and beams with crowbars and entered the
dwellings. The owners were driven onto the street just as they were, regardless of whether
they were dressed or whether they had been in bed. Since the Jews in most cases refused to
leave their dwellings and resisted, the SS and militia both applied force. With the help
of whippings, kicks and hits with the rifle butts they finally succeeded in having the
dwellings evacuated. The people were chased out of their houses in such haste that the
small children who had been in bed had been left behind in several instances. In the
street women cried out for their children and children for their parents. That did not
prevent the SS from chasing the people along the road, at double time, and hitting them
until they reached a waiting freight train. Car after car was filled, over it hung the
screaming of women and children, the cracking of whips and rifle shots. Since several
families and groups had barricaded themselves in especially strong buildings, and the
doors could not be forced with crowbars or beams, these houses were now blown open with
hand grenades. Since the ghetto was near the railroad tracks in Rowno, the younger people
tried to get across the tracks and to a small river to be outside of the ghetto. This
sector being outside of the floodlights was lighted by signal ammunition. All through the
night these beaten, chased and wounded people dragged themselves across the lighted
streets. Women carried their dead children in their arms, children hugged and dragged by
their arms and feet their dead parents down the road toward the train. Again and again the
calls 'Open the door, '' Open the door' echoed through the ghetto." (2992-PS)
The leader of Einsatz Group D, Ohlendorf, stated in his affidavit that other Einsatz
Group leaders required the victims to lie down flat on the ground to be shot through
the neck. Graebe describes a mass execution of this kind which he observed carried out
under the direction of a man in SD uniform on 5 October 1943 at Dubno, Ukraine, as
follows:
"Thereupon in the company of Moennikes I drove to the construction area and saw in
its vicinity a heap of earth, about 30 meters long and 2 meters high. Several trucks stood
in front of the heap. Armed Ukrainian militia chased the people off the trucks under the
supervision of an SS man. The militia men were guards on the trucks and drove them to and
from the excavation. All these people had the prescribed yellow badges on the front and
back of their clothes, and thus were recognized as Jews.
"Moennikes and I went directly to the excavation. Nobody bothered us. Now we heard
shots in quick succession from behind one of the earth mounds. The people who had gotten
off the trucks-men, women, and children of all ages-had to undress upon the orders of an
SS man who carried a riding or dog whip. They had to put down their clothes in fixed
places, sorted according to shoes, over and underclothing. I saw a pile of shoes of about
800 to 1,000 pairs, great piles of laundry and clothing. Without screaming or crying these
people undressed, stood around by families, kissed each other, said farewells and waited
for the nod of another SS man, who stood near the excavation, also with a whip in his
hand. Dur-ing the 15 minutes that I stood near the excavation I have heard no complaint
and no request for mercy. I watched a family of about 8 persons, a man and a woman, both
about 50 with their children of about 1, 8 and 10, and two grown-up daughters of about 20
to 24. An old woman with snow-white hair held the one-year-old child in her arms and sang
for it, and tickled it. The child was squeaking from joy. The couple looked on with tears
in their eyes. The father held the hand of a boy about 10 years old and spoke to him
softly; the boy was fighting his tears. The father pointed toward the sky, fondled his
hand, and seemed to explain something to him. At that moment the SS-man at the excavation
called something to his comrades. The latter counted off about 20 persons and instructed
them to walk behind the earth mound. Among them was the family which I had mentioned. I
remember' very well a girl, blackhaired and slender, passing near me; she pointed at
herself and said, '23 years.' I walked around the mound, and stood in front of a
tremendous grave. Closely pressed together the people were lying on top of each other so
that only their heads were visible. Several of the people shot still moved. Some lifted
their arms and turned their heads to show that they were still alive. The excavation was
already two-thirds full. I estimated that it contained about 1,000 people. I looked for
the man who did the shooting. I saw an SS-man who sat at the rim of the narrow end of the
excavation, his feet dangling into the excavation. On his knees he had a machine pistol
and he was smoking a cigarette. The completely naked people descended a stairway which was
dug into the clay of the excavation and slipped over the heads of the people lying there
already to the place to which the SS-man directed them. They laid themselves in front of
the dead or injured people, some touched tenderly those who were still alive and spoke to
them in a low voice. Then I heard a number of shots. I looked into the excavation and saw
how the bodies jerked or the heads rested already motionless on top of the bodies that lay
before them. Blood was running from their necks. I was surprised that I was not chased
away, but I saw there were two or three postal officers in uniform nearby. Now already the
next group approached, descended into the excavation, lined themselves up against the
previous victims and was shot. When I walked back, around the mound, I noticed again a
transport which had just arrived. This time it included sick and frail persons. An old,
very thin woman with terribly thin legs was undressed by others who were already naked,
while two persons held her up. Apparently the woman was paralyzed. The naked people
carried the woman around the mound. I left with Moennikes and drove with my car back to
Dubno." (2992-PS)
There are two reports by Stahlecker, the Chief of Einsatz Group B, available.
The first report, found in Himmler's personal files, states that during the first four
months of the Russian campaign Einsatz Group A murdered 135,000 Communists
and Jews, and carried out widespread destruction of homes and villages and other vast
crimes. Enclosure 8 to this StahIecker report is a carefu1 survey of the number of persons
murdered, classified as to country, and whether Jew or Communist, with totals given in
each instance. This report discloses that the Einsatz Groups frequently enlisted
the aid of the local populations in the extermination program. It states:
"In view of the extension of the area of operations and the great number of duties
which had to be performed by the Security Police, it was intended from the very beginning
to obtain the cooperation of the reliable population for the fight against vermin-that is,
mainly the Jews and Communists." (L-180)
With respect to extermination of Jews the report stated:
"From the beginning it was to be expected that the Jewish problem could not be
solved by pogroms alone. In accordance with the basic orders received, however, the
cleansing activities of the Security Police had to aim at a complete annihilation of the
Jews. Special detachments reinforced by selected units-in Lithouania partisan detachments,
in Latvia units of the Latvian auxiliary police-therefore performed extensive executions
both in towns and in rural areas. The actions of the execution detachments were performed
smoothly. * * *"
Enclosure 8, "Survey of the number of executed persons" is quoted directly
from the report:
(L-180.) The second report from Einsatz Group A (L-180) reports
the extermination of nearly 230,000 persons. With respect to Esthonia, it states in part:
"Only by the SIPO and SD were the Jews gradually executed as they became no longer
required for work. Today there are no longer any Jews in Esthonia."
With respect to Latvia, the report states in part:
"Up to October 1941 approximately 30,000 Jews had been executed by these Sonderkommandos.
The remaining Jews who were still indispensable from the economic point of view were
collected in Ghettos, which were established in Riga, Duenaburg and Libau."
With respect to Lithuania, the report states in part :
"Therefore by means of selected units-mostly in the propor-tion of 1: 8-first of
all the prisons, and then systematically, district by district, the Lithuanian sector was
cleansed of Jews of both sexes. Altogether 136,421 people were liquidated in a great
number of single actions. As the complete liquidation of the Jews was not feasible, as
they were needed for labor, Ghettos were formed which at the moment are occupied as
follows: Kauem approximately 15,000 Jews; Wilna approximately 15,000 Jews; Schaulen
approximately 4,500 Jews. These Jews are used primarily for work of military importance.
For example, up to 5,000 Jews are employed in 3 shifts on the aerodrome near Kauen on
earthworks and work of that sort."
With respect to White Russia, the report states in part:
"In view of the enormous distances, the bad condition of the roads, the shortage
of vehicles and petrol, and the small forces of Security Police and SD, it needs the
utmost effort to be able to carry out shootings in the country. Nevertheless 41,000 Jews
have been shot up to now."
With respect to Jews from the Reich, the report states in part:
"Since December 1940 transports containing Jews have arrived at short intervals
from the Reich. Of these, 20,000 Jews were directed to Riga and 7,000 Jews to Minsk. Only
a small section of the Jews from the Reich is capable of working. About 70-80 percent are
women and children or old people unfit for work. The death rate is rising continually also
as a result of the extraordinarily bad winter. In isolated instances sick Jews with
contagious disease were selected under the pretext of putting them into a home for the
aged or a hospital, and executed."
Attached as an enclosure to this report is a map entitled "Jewish Executions
Carried out by Einsatzgruppe A," on which, by the use of coffins as symbols,
the number of Jews murdered in each area covered by Einsatz Group A is shown (Chart
Number 4). The map shows thousands of Jews in ghettos, and an estimated 128,000 Jews
"still on hand" in the Minsk area. Number of murdered, according to figures
beside the coffins, during the period covered by this report, was 228,050.
On 30 October 1941 the Commissioner of the territory of Sluzk wrote a report to the
Commissioner General, Minsk, in which he severely criticized the actions of the Einsatzcommandos
operating in his area for the murder of all the Jews of Sluzk:
"On 27 October in the morning at about 8 o'clock a first lieutenant of the police
battalion No. 11 from Kauen (Lithuania) appeared and introduceded himself as the adjutant
of the battalion commander of the security police. The first lieutenant explained that the
police battalion had received the assignment to effect the liquidation of all Jews here in
the town of Sluzk, within two days. The battalion commander with his battalion in strength
of four companies, two of which were made up of Lithuanian partisans, was on the march
here and the action would have to begin instantly. I replied to the first lieutenant that
I had to discuss the action in any case first with the commander. About half an hour later
the police battalion arrived in Sluzk. Immediately after the arrival the conference with
the battalion commander took place according to my request. I first explained to the
commander that it would not very well be possible to effect the action without previous
preparation, because everybody had been sent to work and that it would lead to terrible
confusion. At least it would have been his duty to inform me a day ahead of time. Then I
requested him to postpone the action one day. However, he rejected this with the remark
that he had to carry out this action everywhere and in all towns and that only two days
were allotted for Sluzk. Within these two days, the town of Sluzk had to be cleared of
Jews by all means. For the rest, as regards the execution of the action, I must point out
to my deepest regret that the latter bordered already on sadism. The town itself offered a
picture of horror during the action. With indescribable brutality on the part of both the
German police officers and particularly the Lithuanian partisans, the Jewish people, but
also among them White Ruthenians, were taken out of their dwellings and herded together.
Everywhere in the town shots were to be heard and in different streets the corpses of shot
Jews accumulated. The White Ruthenians were in greatest distress to free themselves from
the encirclement. Regardless of the fact that the Jewish people, among whom were also
tradesmen, were mistreated in a terribly barbarous way in the face of the White Ruthenian
people, the White Ruthenians themselves were also worked over with rubber clubs and rifle
butts. There was no question of an action against the Jews any more. It rather looked like
a revolution. In conclusion I find myself obliged to point out that the police battalion
has looted in an unheard of manner during the action, and that not only in Jewish houses
but just the same in those of the White Ruthenians. Anything of use such as boots,
leather, cloth, gold and other valuables, has been taken away. On the basis of statements
of members of the armed forces, watches were torn off the arms of Jews in public, on the
streets, and rings were pulled off the fingers in the most brutal manner. A major of the
finance department reported that a Jewish girl was asked by the police to obtain
immediately 5,000 rubles to have her father released. This girl is said to have actually
gone everywhere in order to obtain the money." (1104-PS)
This report was submitted by the Commissioner General of White Ruthenia to the Reich
Commissioner for the Eastern Territories on 1 November 1941 with the following comment:
"I am submitting this report in duplicate so that one copy may be forwarded to the
Reich Minister. Peace and order cannot be maintained in White Ruthenia with methods of
that sort. To bury seriously wounded people alive who worked their way out of their graves
again is such a base and filthy act that the incidents as such should be reported to the
Fuehrer and Reichs Marshal." (1104-PS)
On the same date by separate letter the Commissioner General of White Ruthenia reported
to the Reich Commissioner for the Eastern Territories that he had received money,
valuables, and other objects taken by the police in the action at Sluzk and other regions,
all of which had been deposited with the Reich Credit institute for the disposal of the
Reich Commissioner. (1104-PS)
On 21 November 1941 a report on the Sluzk incident was sent to the personal reviewer of
the permanent deputy of the Minister of the Reich with a copy to Heydrich, the Chief of
the Security Police and SD. (1104-PS)
On 6 November 1942 a secret report submitted to the Reich Commissar for the East
concerning the struggle against partisans in the East discloses that destruction of
villages continued, and reports the execution of 1,274 partisan suspects and 8,350 Jews,
and the deportation of 1,217 people. This report was forwarded on 10 December 1942 to the
Reich Minister for the occupied Eastern territories. (1113-PS)
The report from the prison administrator at Minsk as of 31 May 1943 to the General
Commissioner for White Ruthenia states:
"The German, former dentist Ernst Israel Tichauer and his wife Elisa Sara
Tichauer, born Rosenthal, were delivered to the Court-Prison by the SD (Hauptscharfuehrer
Rube) on 13 April 1943. Since that date, the golden bridgework, crowns and fillings of
the received German and Russian Jews were pulled out, respectively broken out by force.
This always happened. l-2 hours before the actions in question.
"Since 13 April 1943, 516 German and Russian Jews were liquidated. After careful
investigation it was ascertained that gold objects were only taken away during 2 actions,
namely on 14 April 43 from 172 and on 27 April 43 from 164 Jews. About 50 percent of the
Jews had gold teeth, bridges or fillings. Hauptscharfuehrer Rube of the SD was
always present in person, and also took the gold objects with him.
"This has not been done before 13 April 1943."
This report was forwarded to the Reich Minister for the occupied Eastern territories on
1 June 1943. (E-135)
Death vans were used by the Einsatz Groups to murder victims by gas.
These vans were built by the Saurer Works in Berlin and other firms. The vans were built
for the technical section of Amt II of the RSHA, which sent them to the Einsatz Groups
in the field. They were first used in the spring of 1942 and continued to be used
throughout the war (2348-PS). The method of using the vans is described by Ohlendorf in
the following words:
"We received orders to use the car for the killing of women and children. Whenever
a unit had collected a sufficient number of victims, a car was sent for their liquidation,
We also stationed these cars in the neighborhood of the transit camps to which the victims
had been brought. They were told that they would be resettled and had to climb into the
cars for that purpose. Then the doors were closed and as soon as the cars started moving
the gas would enter. The victims died within ten to fifteen minutes. The cars were driven
to the burial place where the corpses were taken out and buried." (2620-PS)
Document compiled by Dr S D Stein